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61.
党的十九大提出必须树立和践行“绿水青山就是金山银山”的理念,生态文明建设功在当代、利在千秋。论文针对禅城区在实施乡村振兴政策背景下存在的问题进行具体的分析。希望通过对禅城区现状的分析,对未来政策的实施及乡村调研方向的确定提供一定的参考借鉴。  相似文献   
62.
论文通过对肃北县实施乡村振兴战略情况的调查,阐述了肃北县实施乡村振兴战略的主要做法,针对肃北县乡村振兴战略实施过程中存在的问题,提出发展特色产业、实施生态立县、传承传统文化、创新治理体系、培育吸引人才和加强党的建设六个方面的政策建议。  相似文献   
63.
论文在太行山文化视角下,基于该地区特色物质文化、乡土村落文化、非遗文化、红色文化等资源,一方面从发挥特色资源优势、构建区域创新体系、升级传播平台等角度拓展太行山地区文化创意产业扶贫的创新路径,另一方面构建出以“宏观引导—中观支持—微观参与”为主要内容的太行山地区文化创意产业扶贫长效保障机制。从文化层面助力“防贫”,使乡村振兴取得进一步进展。  相似文献   
64.
基于世代交叠理论和劳动闲暇理论以及CFPS数据,从商业养老保险的投保情况与收入情况两个层面实证分析商业养老保险对土地流转的影响。结果显示:商业养老保险一方面通过提高家庭养老保障水平的方式影响家庭参与土地流转的意愿,另一方面通过增加转移收入的方式影响家庭土地流转规模。参保商业养老保险对于土地流转意愿的影响还存在地区差异。  相似文献   
65.
Do we need an overlapping generations model for the economics of global warming? To answer this question, an infinitely-lived agent (ILA) approach and an overlapping generations (OLG) model are contrasted. ILA and OLG can be viewed as polar representations of intergenerational altruism. With ILA an immortal agent acts through his investment/savings decisions as trustee on the behalf of the future generations. With OLG, agents need not behave altruistic. They simply save during working years and dissave completely during retirement. Nevertheless, ILA and OLG must not differ in their implication for greenhouse policy. Greenhouse gas abatement is a straightforward alternative to physical capital formation and, even without altruism, each age cohort has an incentive to provide current abatement in order to reduce future damages attributable to climate change. Indeed, under reasonable assumptions and parameter values, our simulations reveal such an invariance result. Provided carbon taxes are the only policy tool and tax revenues are recycled through socially mandated rules, projections of economic growth, climate change and energy consumption are only insignificantly affected by the choice of approach.  相似文献   
66.
当社会经济发展的主要矛盾从供给约束向需求约束转变,经济增长的主要支撑因素从供给扩张向需求拉动转变时,扩大需求成为必要。农村居民的消费水平是影响农村经济增长的重要因素,本文在介绍河北省农村居民的消费现状基础上,分析制约农村居民消费水平的因素,追而提出发展河北省农村消费市场,促进农村经济增长的对策。  相似文献   
67.
William Riker ((1964) Federalism: Origin, Operation, Significance. Boston: Little Brown) stressed the problem of the contested nature of federal institutions and argued that federations existed amidst the ongoing challenge to their rules, that federal institutions were being continuously endogenously produced in the interaction of political parties rather than serving as self-enforceable constraints on the political process. As parties changed, so did federalism, and eventually the balance was bound to shift to either one or the other extreme as far as the degree of centralization was concerned. An alternative approach to essentially the same problem of federal instability was to conceptualize the underlying game differently, as a game of coordination, so that institutions would be accepted as constraints and would therefore be self-enforceable because they allow the players to avoid the chaos and successfully converge to an outcome with payoffs exceeding their reservation values (Hardin, 1989, Ordeshook, 1992). The third proposed solution, consociationalism, emphasizes the elite effort to overcome the conflictual nature of the institutional choice (Lijphart, 1977). Here, as in the coordination argument, the hope is that one could create incentives for politicians to view the existing rules as advantageous and to avoid redistribution by means of the institutional revision. Yet, just like the coordination argument, it is based on an implicit assumption that politicians are more easily motivated to act “cooperatively” than are their constituencies. The missing step in the literature is the mechanism by which this more or less “cooperative” behavior of elected politicians could be sustainable in the environment of popular accountability. An essential component in building the theory of institutional design is to show the possibility in a democracy of elected politicians cooperating on institutional matters even when each of their constituencies would prefer to adjust the constitutional terms to its own advantage. Elite “cooperativeness” must be sustainable even in the presence of outside challengers promising to stay closer to the constituent preferences. Here, I present a model of mass-elite equilibrium of constitutional legitimacy, which demonstrates the possibility to motivate the incumbents to sustain the institutional stability while at the same time protecting them from electoral defeat. I also discuss the difficulties and limitations that such a solution faces, in particular, in plural societies. JEL classification: H77, D02 In working on this paper, I have benefited from the discussions with Mikhail Filippov, Peter Ordeshook, Charles Kromkowski, Carol Mershon, and from the comments of the participants of the conference on ‘‘Micro-Foundations of Federal Institutional Stability’’ at the MicroIncentives Research Center at Duke University, Durham, NC, April 30–May 1, 2004, and of the Lansing Lee proseminar at the University of Virginia. The responsibility for the many remaining flaws is solely mine.  相似文献   
68.
本文分析了我国农村存在的环境问题,从经济学角度分析了农村环境问题产生的原因,并提出了农村环境问题的治理措施与途径:消除其公共物品性和外部性。  相似文献   
69.
对包括民工在内的各类乡村劳动力的年龄结构进行了分析。城市民工需求年轻化导致三个后果。首先导致青年民工的供不应求,从而在乡村还存在大量剩余劳动力的前提下,出现了全国性的民工荒;其次,导致乡村现有中年剩余劳动力难于在城市就业;最后,导致进入中年后的民工绝大多数无法继续在城市就业,中年民工家庭因不具备在城市定居的经济能力不得不回乡。后两个结果的不断积累产生了中国特有的一个经济现象-乡村劳动力的中年失业。  相似文献   
70.
对社会网络理论的发展和应用进行了回顾,重点评述国内外关于流动人口的社会网络研究。国外利用社会网络视角系统研究流动人口的成果相对较少,而国内的流动人口研究主要集中于农村流动人口的网络结构分析和求职网络研究。多数研究只是对个体网络的基本特性作描述性分析,将社会网络作为研究对象而不是研究方法。对未来利用社会网络分析方法进行农村流动人口的研究提出了展望。  相似文献   
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