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艰苦奋斗是学校发展的精神动力,也是在一些具体工作上需要贯彻的具体政策和规章制度的衡量标准。丢掉了艰苦奋斗的精神,也就失去了本色,失去了根基。 相似文献
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石镇平 《南京财经大学学报》2008,(2):79-84
在共产主义社会(包括第一阶段)不存在阶级和国家的问题上,列宁与马克思、恩格斯是完全一致的。关于过渡时期,列宁认为:无产阶级专政的建立不是阶级斗争的结束,而是阶级斗争的新形式、阶级斗争在新条件下的继续,过渡时期将是阶级斗争最残酷、最尖锐的时期。20世纪以来各社会主义国家在阶级斗争问题上左右摇摆,其根本原因就在于混淆了过渡时期和共产主义社会第一阶段的界限。列宁关于过渡时期阶级和国家问题的思想至今仍然具有重要的现实意义。 相似文献
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从悲剧美感的角度审视海明威的<老人与海>可以发现,和古希腊悲剧一样,这部作品揭示出美的实质来自于对立面的斗争.在欣赏作品过程中,我们遵循了悲剧审美的心理模式,即痛感→快感→美感.作为文学领域中最高的审美形式,悲剧的审美意境在于主体和客体的差别消失,主体融入客体,让我们在嗟叹老人宿命的同时,又感到强烈的生命力和崇高感. 相似文献
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社会主义初级阶段的主要矛盾问题 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
刘国光 《河北经贸大学学报》2010,31(6)
社会主义初级阶段的主要矛盾问题是社会需求大于社会生产,而不是内需不足的问题。解决这一矛盾,需要做好两件事情:一是把蛋糕做大,把国家的经济实力做强,把国力做强;一是要把蛋糕分好,让大家共同分享发展的成果。同时,讲主要矛盾,不应忽视次要矛盾,阶级矛盾和阶级斗争仍将在一定范围内长期存在。马克思主义政治经济学应客观分析初级阶段的阶级矛盾和阶级斗争。 相似文献
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王清清 《四川商业高等专科学校学报》2011,(1):25-29
“文革”宣传画是我们考察这段特殊历史时期的性别观念、政策及其传播,最为生动的文本载体。它大致可以分为“革命斗争”、“生产建设”和“教文卫体”三种类型。“革命斗争”类型画作中的女性形象畸形造作,反映了女性的男性化描绘;“生产建设”类型宣传画图画了女性与男性一道参与新中国社会主义实践的美丽图景,体现了男女在工作地位上的平等;“教文卫体”宣传画全方位地再现了妇女在新中国所担任的各种职业,生动地宣传了“妇女能顶半边天”的国家政策。这些类型都从各自的功能出发,服务于新中国建设发展的国家主义实践。 相似文献
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闫成俭 《安徽工业大学学报(社会科学版)》2005,22(3):17-18
艰苦奋斗是中国共产党的优良传统,在新世纪新阶段,继续保持艰苦奋斗的优良传统和作风,继续发扬艰苦奋斗精神具有深远的理论意义和价值意义。 相似文献
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Building on a sociological tradition of using photographs as a methodology, we suggest that accounting researchers more fully utilize photographs to understand accounting actors’ everyday lives. While most accounting studies have focused on the photographic imagery in published documents, such as corporate annual reports, a few authors found photographs can highlight how physical artefacts can deliver symbolic messages. We explored photographs drawn from the Korean Association for Government Accounting (KAGA) to illustrate how social actors used physical artefacts. To guide our analysis, we relied on Bourdieu’s theorization of how physical artefacts reflect forms of capital. We argue that the use of photographs as a methodology provides a deeper insight into the cultural and social meanings of physical artefacts as a form of language open to multiple interpretations by both the author and the reader. 相似文献
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Activists and scholars have debated whether “agrarian populisms” premised on multiple classes and groups can pursue progressive objectives if exploiters and exploited are in the same movements. In Pakistan, the militant Pakistan Kissan Ittehad emerged in 2012 by uniting different classes of owner-cultivators who are largely not in direct relations of exploitation with each other. We argue that the PKI nevertheless advances the interests of a “second tier” of rural capitalists, who exploit rural labourers, while underplaying the interests of owner-peasant farmers. This divergence of interests has contributed to the fragmentation of PKI along class and political lines, including attempts by peasant farmers to independently organize around issues particular to them. We suggest that progressive agrarian populism must hinge on the interests of rural labourers and peasant farmers and that second-tier capitalist farmers may be tactical allies as they oppose neoliberal globalization. However, rural labourers and peasants are ideologically and organizationally weak, and thus, the possibility of left-wing agrarian populism requires much legwork. 相似文献