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131.
在中国出口贸易发展受到外部环境冲击情况下,国内外学者对出口贸易规模是否能够稳步增长不断提出质疑。在此叙事背景下,通过对出口贸易的发展历程及结构失衡深入剖析,发现内部结构性矛盾才是真正威胁出口贸易持续发展的根源所在,外部需求冲击影响微弱。中美贸易差额的比较研究显示,美国对中国贸易逆差并非特例,消除贸易争端的经济手段则是顺差规模的缩小;中国探寻多元化出口贸易实践是解除贸易商品、国别结构失衡的内在要求,也是长久之计。基于中国内外经济发展运行的特殊性,对外贸易发展研究需要超越开放宏观经济学的理论认识局限。要实现出口贸易稳步发展须兼顾区域平衡目标,解除结构性枷锁。消除出口贸易的区域失衡发展困境是解决对外经济发展问题的根本之所在,制定贸易政策必须以"省区"这一基本层面为依据。  相似文献   
132.
本文对美国、英国等国家的内部控制信息披露进行了梳理和比较,对中国内部控制信息的披露提出了政策建议。  相似文献   
133.
核心通货膨胀:理论模型与经验分析   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
现有的核心通货膨胀计算方法假设各种商品和服务的价格变化可以表示为核心通货膨胀与异质性相对价格变化之和,然而这种价格变化的分解方式既缺乏理论基础又违背经济直觉。本文将经典的新凯恩斯模型推广到多部门情形,证明了多部门新凯恩斯菲利普斯曲线,提出了各部门商品价格变化的理论分解公式。以这个分解公式为理论基础,本文提出了估计核心通货膨胀的计量经济模型及其两阶段估计方法,给出了根据稳态权重估计核心通货膨胀的简便方法,估计出了我国的核心通货膨胀。有效性检验表明,根据两阶段估计方法和基于稳态权重的估计方法得到的核心通货膨胀都是有效的核心通货膨胀度量。  相似文献   
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135.
Democratic governance is believed to improve government responsiveness to citizens’ demand for public goods. In China, villagers’ committee elections represent a major progress in China’s development toward good governance. We develop a rational model to explain villagers’ participation. Utilizing a national survey of rural residents in 2005, this paper tests the insights of the model. Two findings are of interest to the students of voting and elections. First, there is disagreement over the causal relationship between political trust and voting. This paper offers a rational interpretation of political trust by emphasizing the informational aspect of the concept. Second, voting is generally theorized as a process of overcoming various costs. The prospect of benefits figures more prominently in Chinese village elections. Our findings highlight the pivotal role of township governments in China’s rural politics and reveal the inner dilemma of democratization in China.  相似文献   
136.
中国劳动力错配对TFP的影响分析   总被引:12,自引:7,他引:5  
文章利用一个资源错配对TFP影响的核算框架和中国改革开放30年的宏观经济、产业相关数据,估算了当前中国农业部门就业比重过大对全要素生产率产生的影响。结果显示,改革以来,劳动力错配对TFP有着明显的负效应,以不同的指标计算,在-2%到-18%之间,并呈逐渐扩大趋势。这种负的效应随着发展和改革的历程有明显的波动趋势;把总效应分解为工资差异效应和部门份额效应以后,显示中国当前的劳动力错配对TFP产生的负效应主要是由于部门间的工资差异所致。  相似文献   
137.
This article investigates the history of land and water transformations in Matadepera, a wealthy suburb of metropolitan Barcelona. Analysis is informed by theories of political ecology and methods of environmental history; although very relevant, these have received relatively little attention within ecological economics. Empirical material includes communications from the City Archives of Matadepera (1919-1979), 17 interviews with locals born between 1913 and 1958, and an exhaustive review of grey historical literature. Existing water histories of Barcelona and its outskirts portray a battle against natural water scarcity, hard won by heroic engineers and politicians acting for the good of the community. Our research in Matadepera tells a very different story. We reveal the production of a highly uneven landscape and waterscape through fierce political and power struggles. The evolution of Matadepera from a small rural village to an elite suburb was anything but spontaneous or peaceful. It was a socio-environmental project well intended by landowning elites and heavily fought by others. The struggle for the control of water went hand in hand with the land and political struggles that culminated - and were violently resolved - in the Spanish Civil War. The displacement of the economic and environmental costs of water use from few to many continues to this day and is constitutive of Matadepera's uneven and unsustainable landscape. By unravelling the relations of power that are inscribed in the urbanization of nature (Swyngedouw, 2004), we question the perceived wisdoms of contemporary water policy debates, particularly the notion of a natural scarcity that merits a technical or economic response. We argue that the water question is fundamentally a political question of environmental justice; it is about negotiating alternative visions of the future and deciding whose visions will be produced.  相似文献   
138.
In recent debates on environmental problems and policies, the strategy of “degrowth” has appeared as an alternative to the paradigm of economic growth. This new notion is critically evaluated by considering five common interpretations of it. One conclusion is that these multiple interpretations make it an ambiguous and rather confusing concept. Another is that degrowth may not be an effective, let alone an efficient strategy to reduce environmental pressure. It is subsequently argued that “a-growth,” i.e. being indifferent about growth, is a more logical social aim to substitute for the current goal of economic growth, given that GDP (per capita) is a very imperfect indicator of social welfare. In addition, focusing ex ante on public policy is considered to be a strategy which ultimately is more likely to obtain the necessary democratic-political support than an ex ante, explicit degrowth strategy. In line with this, a policy package is proposed which consists of six elements, some of which relate to concerns raised by degrowth supporters.  相似文献   
139.
唐剑  贾秀兰 《财经科学》2011,(1):109-116
本文以巴泽尔产权经济模型为理论基础,分析了西藏民族文化旅游资源的特殊产权属性,指出西藏民族文化旅游资源在开发中受到破坏的制度经济学根源,并提出以关联博弈为基础健全社会声誉机制,规范利益博弈强势方的开发行为,基于产业发展的三大维度原则,构建西藏民族文化旅游资源的保护性开发体系。  相似文献   
140.
中国金融抑制问题的政治经济学   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文从利益集团理论的视角对中国金融抑制问题给出了一个政治经济学解释,认为中国金融抑制的制度安排内生于给予改革当中利益受损集团金融补贴的需要,为了维护转轨时期的社会稳定,降低改革成本,在财政能力持续下降的情况下,中央政府通过加强对金融体系的控制,以利差租金和货币发行收益为主要路径向国有企业、政府财政提供金融补贴。但近年来,随着居民收入在国民收入分配中所占比例的下降,由金融抑制引发的社会风险的累积、金融效率损失等问题使得中国如果继续维持金融抑制政策将产生巨大的社会成本和效率损失。  相似文献   
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