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101.
SONG Shi-fang 《国际商务-(对外经济贸易大学学报)》2007,(1)
本文以存在剩余劳动的大国和存在政治压力的小国为背景,分析了自愿出口限制(VER)的性质和成因。VER对出口国总是被迫的,是进出口双方力求回避贸易摩擦成本的结果,而厌恶风险的政府对贸易限制结果确定化的要求是VER采取数量限制形式的原因。 相似文献
102.
非政府组织(Non—Government Organizations,缩写为NGO),出现于50年代,兴起于70年代,在过去20年有了飞跃性的发展。如今非政府组织已经渗透到社会生活的方方面面,并且发挥着越来越大的作用。随着世界民主化浪潮波及全球,公民的政治参与成为当代政治生活的重要内容。但是由于种种原因,中国公民的政治参与无论是广度,还是深度都是比较低的,谁能“领导”公民参与政治,非政府组织无疑是最好的领导者! 相似文献
103.
Narjess Boubakri Sadok El Ghoul Walid Saffar 《Journal of Multinational Financial Management》2013,23(4):338-355
Politically connected firms benefit from soft-budget constraints and are unlikely to suffer from liquidity constraints. This argument suggests that politically connected firms should hold less cash than non-connected peers. Another view posits that these firms exhibit acute corporate governance problems. In this setting, politically connected firms are more likely to hold more cash than non-connected firms. Using a sample of 50,119 firm-year observations from 31 countries, we find that politically connected firms hold more cash than their non-connected peers. We put forth two explanations for this result. Firstly, politicians use politically connected firms as “cash cows” to advance their political agendas. Secondly, political connections are conducive to agency problems. In additional analyses, we find that the positive relationship between political connections and cash holdings is stronger when corporate governance is weak. 相似文献
104.
Manfred Gärtner 《Journal of economic surveys》2000,14(5):527-561
The paper surveys political macroeconomics, covering its development from Rogoff's conservative central banker to the most recent discussions of monetary policy and institutional design. Topics include the inflation-stabilization trade-off, central bank independence with escape clauses and overruling with costs, inflation targets, performance contracts for monetary authorities, and the consequences of output persistence for these issues. Further topics are the political business cycle when output is persistent, the political macroeconomics of fiscal policy, the government spending bias, and the game-theoretic interaction between fiscal and monetary policy. All work is discussed within a coherent analytical framework. 相似文献
105.
106.
试图从政治经济、社会文化以及企业内部运作机制的差异使全球金融危机对中日两国企业不同程度的影响进行比较,以期为中国企业顺利度过危机提供借鉴。 相似文献
107.
本文从新政治经济学角度,对中国经济转型过程中出现的地区本位现象进行了分析。建立了一个综合本地区居民福利、本地区生产企业福利、政府职能代理人(官员和公务员)本身的利益以及本地区政府财政收入四大块组成地区总福利函数模型.并解出了最优市场保护率。分析认为.地区本位现象的出现是地方政府基于多种利益关系考虑而实施的一种不合理却是必然的举措。 相似文献
108.
Francisco Candel-Snchez 《European Journal of Political Economy》2007,23(4):863-884
This paper presents a mechanism to mitigate the adverse consequences of the political budget cycle on social welfare. We use a simplified two-period version of Rogoff's [Rogoff, K., 1990. Equilibrium political budget cycles. American Economic Review 80, 21–36.] rational budget cycle model to address the normative issue of reducing the budget deficit in pre-electoral periods. A regulation consisting of a sanction scheme contingent on fiscal policy joint with a fixed transfer is shown to provide the appropriate incentives for budget discipline in the presence of elections. 相似文献
109.
We study electoral competition among politicians who are heterogeneous both in competence and in how much they care about
(what they perceive as) the public interest relative to the private rents from being in office. We show that politicians may
have stronger incentives to behave opportunistically if other politicians are more likely to behave opportunistically. A political
culture may therefore be self-reinforcing and multiple equilibria may arise. We also show that politicians’ incentives to
behave opportunistically increase with politicians’ pay and with polarization of policy preferences.
JEL Code D72 · D78 相似文献
110.
Stuart Sayer 《Journal of economic surveys》2000,14(5):513-526
A brief overview of the historical background, nature, and rapid growth in volume and scope of new political economy since the early 1980s is provided. the paper continues with some general reflections on the strengths and weaknesses of the new political economy approach, illustrated by the other contributions to this special issue of the Journal of Economic Surveys . The final Section summarises these contributions. 相似文献