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31.
刘欣 《对外经济贸易大学学报》2008,(3):91-96
欧盟于2006年底通过了堪称史上最为庞大、复杂苛刻的新化学品管理法——Reach法规。其实施必将对世界化工以及相关产业带来重大影响,同时作为一项新的技术性贸易壁垒也将对中欧化工品贸易以及我国化工产业造成重大影响。文章对REACH法规及其将带来的影响进行详尽解析,并从政府和市场层面,为我国相关企业提供应对的措施建议。 相似文献
32.
Stefano F. Verde 《Journal of economic surveys》2020,34(2):320-343
This paper carefully surveys the econometric literature that tests for competitiveness effects and related carbon leakage caused by the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS). The results of this literature tell us that to date there is no evidence of the EU ETS having had widespread negative or positive effects on the competitiveness of regulated firms, nor is there evidence of significant carbon leakage. However, the paper also identifies three important caveats to this general conclusion. Firstly, the evidence we have still largely refers to the first two trading periods, namely Phases I (2005–2007) and II (2008–2012). Secondly, some heterogeneity of estimated effects is observed, but patterns, notably sectoral patterns, hardly emerge. Thirdly, very little explored is whether the EU ETS has had long-term effects on the economy via investment leakage or firm dynamics. Further empirical studies investigating these long-term effects are particularly desirable. 相似文献
33.
John E. Jackson Bogdan W. Mach Jennifer L. Miller‐Gonzalez 《Economics of Transition》2016,24(3):481-505
EU expansion can be seen as a positive‐sum process benefiting all countries by creating larger markets that stimulate more productive economies through increased specialization and economies of scale, implying that the general public in all countries should favour expansion. Contrarily, expansion can be perceived as zero‐sum. Capital and production relocate from higher to lower wage regions while labour does the opposite, possibly raising unemployment and reducing wages in the higher wage regions. The general public in these countries may come to oppose EU expansion attributing any deterioration in their work situation to the gains of new citizens of the European Union. Analysis of changes in Irish attitudes towards EU expansion in 2002, 2007 and 2009 finds no evidence of a link from lowered economic conditions to increased opposition to EU expansion. The only evidence for zero‐sum thinking is that diminished economic circumstances are associated with increased opposition to immigration, but this is not associated with increased opposition to further EU expansion. 相似文献
34.
Fabio Caputo Simone Pizzi Lorenzo Ligorio Rossella Leopizzi 《Business Strategy and the Environment》2021,30(8):3470-3484
This research aims to contribute to the scientific debate about the lack of interlinkages between mandatory non-financial reporting and sustainable business models. For our purposes, a counter-accounting analysis was conducted on the non-financial reports of a sample of 145 Italian firms interested by the Directive 2014/95/EU effects. Specifically, the study adopts an empirical approach to evaluate environmental information transparency, which represents one of the main critical issues concerning the non-financial declarations prepared by European Italian Public Interest Entities (PIEs) to comply with Directive 2014/95/EU. The results highlight that corporate governance and report characteristics affect environmental transparency. Furthermore, the results confirm the overall attitude to avoid the disclosure of unfavourable or unavailable environmental information through impression management strategies. Finally, the analysis underlines the opportunities for policymakers to rethink mandatory non-financial reporting to sustain the ecological transition of European PIEs. 相似文献
35.
Events from 2008 onwards have bought the old consensus on the sound money and finance paradigm (the ‘Great Moderation’) into bold relief. One manifestation of this crisis of belief is the increased focus on global imbalances, institutionally reflected in the creation of the Mutual Assessment Process (MAP) at the G20 level and subsequently the Macroeconomic Imbalances Procedure (MIP) at the European Union (EU) level. Comparing both newcomers to international macroeconomic policy coordination, this article analyses four features that shape (and we show, institutionalise) the process of paradigm contestation: presence, position, promotion and plausibility. We argue that although initially the G20’s MAP scored higher in terms of presence, position and promotion, it is the EU’s MIP, which heralds a more substantial shift in macroeconomic management. Collectively, both indicate the increased prominence of global imbalances as the subject of inter- or supranational management, and a broadening of the notion of necessary or legitimate economic governance. 相似文献
36.
This article assesses the reasons that led a majority of French voters to reject the 29 October 2004 Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe. Their reasons are less connected with the Treaty itself than with a fear of loss of national sovereignty, immigration, and relocation of firms to European countries where the workforce is cheaper. 相似文献
37.
朱鹏飞 《对外经济贸易大学学报》2011,(1):119-128
对337条款在GATT1994下合法性的正确评判,将会影响对337条款的态度及应对策略的制定.20世纪80年代,加拿大和欧共体曾经分别在关贸总协定体系内挑战过337条款的合法性.第一个案件专家组报告肯定了该案中337条款的合法性,第二个案件专家组报告对337条款的合法性总体上予以肯定,但也指出了337条款四个具体违法之... 相似文献
38.
朱秋沅 《上海海关高等专科学校学报》2014,(1):54-68
摘要:海关同盟是欧盟的三大支柱之一,也是欧盟单一市场的基石。因此,欧盟一直通过其海关同盟战略及其各类实施工具来强化有效、高效、统一、协调的海关联盟。在三十年的海关同盟演进过程中,欧盟海关同盟战略都是承接并贡献于欧盟总体经济规划目标。在其三项海关同盟战略之间以及海关同盟战略与海关行动计划之间存在着延续与发展的关系。为了实现欧盟海关战略目标,欧盟采取了软硬结合的开放协调机制以实施其战略。 相似文献
39.
Christopher A. Hartwell 《Journal of Economic Policy Reform》2018,21(4):260-280
Political instability has the potential to disrupt financial markets. But how do political institutions affect financial movements in an environment where all institutions are in flux? This paper looks at the effects of formal and informal political volatility in the new EU countries of central and eastern Europe, in the Eastern Neighborhood, and farther afield in Central Asia to answer this question. Using asymmetric GARCH modeling on monthly data, I find that informal political volatility has a significant negative effect on stock returns, while formal political institutions generate much higher financial volatility than changes in monetary policy. 相似文献