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51.
"为他人谋取利益"不论作为受贿罪的主观要件还是作为客观要件均不妥当,它的存在无法确定"为他人谋取利益"本身的定性,且都与设立和追究受贿罪的刑法价值目标不相适应,不能有力打击国家工作人员中较为严重的这类犯罪活动。为了避免法律规定上的缺陷与漏洞,在修改和完善刑法时,取消受贿罪"为他人谋取利益"的构成要件,不仅符合刑法理论和中国关于受贿罪的立法意图,也顺应了受贿犯罪立法的国际潮流并与《联合国反腐败公约》的相关规定相统一。既能增强刑事立法的科学性,又便于司法适用,更有效地发挥刑法打击和预防受贿犯罪的功能。  相似文献   
52.
Being able to anticipate crime such that new crime events can be dealt with effectively or prevented entirely, leads police forces worldwide to look at applying predictive policing, which provides predictions of times and places at risk for crime, such that proactive preventative measures can be taken. Ideally, predictive policing models predict crime at a high spatio-temporal level, while also providing optimal prediction performance. The main objective of this paper is therefore to evaluate the impact of varying grid resolution, temporal resolution and historical time frame on prediction performance. To investigate this, we analyse home burglary data from a large city in Belgium and predict new crime events using a range of parameter values, comparing the resulting prediction performances. Given the potential prediction performance costs associated with prediction at a high spatio-temporal resolution, consideration should be given to balance practical requirements with performance requirements.  相似文献   
53.
第二代农民工问题与对策研究   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
何海 《特区经济》2009,(10):229-231
1984年,中央出台"1号文件",允许农民进城务工。转眼20多年过去了,民工潮依旧汹涌,变化却悄然产生。20多年间,农民工群体悄然"更新换代",第二代农民工作为一个群体,已赫然出现在身边。这个群体被称为"无根"的第二代农民工,他们所存在的问题关系到我国经济社会的进一步发展。本文通过对第二代农民工当前所存在的自身问题及社会问题进行深入分析,并提出解决这些问题的政策与建议。  相似文献   
54.
“高利贷”作为一个被批判的词语在市场经济中只是一个俗语,但何谓高利贷并不明确;实际上高利贷处于民间借贷(高级阶段)和非法发放贷款(初级阶段)两者之间,起到承上启下的作用.容易混淆的是民间借贷与非法发放贷款两者之间,其区别主要在于性质和属性不同,民间借贷具有制度层面的合法性和非业务性,非法发放贷款与之相反.有学者主张对非法发放贷款(高级形式的高利贷)以非法经营罪论处,但非法发放贷款行为在取证上非常困难,且社会危害性并不严重以及在认定是否“违反国家规定”上尚存争议;另外,一旦将其入罪将会导致罪责刑失衡,因而需等司法解释明确后再以非法经营罪论处为妥.  相似文献   
55.
随着《中华人民共和国刑法修正案(七)》的颁布实施,偷税罪被逃税罪取而代之。本文分析了行政程序与刑事程序的关系,并对逃税罪进行了法律解释,提出了行政处罚前置是符合逃税罪立法与司法实践应有的程序选择。  相似文献   
56.
周铭川 《当代金融研究》2021,2021(1):155-167
刑法拟制的本质是对法律效果的拟制,是对A类型的事实适用A罪的构成要件进行评价,但适用B罪的罪名和法定刑定罪量刑——既不是对事实要素的假定而将A类型的事实认定为B类型的事实,也不是为B罪创设一种新的犯罪构成。除了窝藏赃物型抢劫罪等少数条款具有拟制的正当性之外,其他拟制条款均不具有正当性,应当尽快废除。根据条文规定的明确程度以及可解释为注意规定的余地大小,可以将刑法学界通常所认为的刑法拟制划分为明文规定的拟制、比较明显的拟制、形似的拟制、解释的拟制四种类型,由于大多数“拟制”条款都存在违背罪刑法定、实质正义和责任主义等问题,因而应当将形似的拟制和解释的拟制解释为注意规定,以尽量缩小刑法拟制的条款范围。  相似文献   
57.
针对现行刑法信用卡犯罪立法设置上的缺陷,《中华人民共和国刑法修正案(五)》对信用卡犯罪作了全面的规定,明确了信用卡犯罪的多种行为形式。并且前置信用卡犯罪的刑法评价时间,从源头上打击信用卡犯罪。要做到准确适用,有必要准确理解、把握新增信用卡犯罪的构成要件以及与其他犯罪的分界。  相似文献   
58.
“法律先于法学”的事实意味着负责罪责评价的人类道德直觉是刑法最初的立法依据,而刑法学理论回避解码道德直觉,选择了“填充犯罪分类表”的捷径,虽有刑法教义作补充,但终究没能揭示刑法的底层逻辑。罪责评价的绝对尺度是犯罪的预期损失,因此定罪量刑需要考虑破案率、作案成功率等决定刑罚威慑水平和犯罪预期损失的各种变量。以变量评估取代要件识别,可以有效应对刑事司法实践中的定性难题。  相似文献   
59.
There is a vast literature documenting negative impacts of crime on human capital accumulation, which has focused on large‐scale armed conflicts affecting both individuals and infrastructure. However, there is much less evidence in contexts where violence is not accompanied by the destruction of infrastructure. To fill this gap, this paper studies the effects of Mexico's War on Drugs (WoD) on individuals’ schooling decisions. Our results show only small effects of violence on total enrollment of children and young adults, in contrast to recent studies which find significant negative effects for some specific age‐by‐gender groups. Our analysis, which aims to assess the overall impacts of the WoD on enrollment decisions and takes advantage of various rounds of administrative data, the population census, and labor force surveys, shows that many families responded to the increase in violence by migrating to less affected municipalities. However, we find that their education decisions have been quite robust as greater violence did not affect their probability of being enrolled in school. In the long term, however, it is still possible that the increase in violence affects human capital accumulation through indirect effects arising in skill acquisition in early childhood and other stages.  相似文献   
60.
Political representatives with criminal backgrounds are considered a great problem in many countries. In India, public disclosure of the large share of politicians currently facing criminal charges has sparked a heated public debate and emerging literature assessing the causes and effects. We develop two hypotheses based on our theoretical considerations. Based on the coding of published affidavits and a comprehensive set of three proxies to measure effort in the 14th Lok Sabha over the 2004–2009 legislative period, we put these hypotheses to an empirical test. Members of the parliament (MPs) facing criminal accusations exhibit on average about 5% lower attendance rates and lower utilization rates in a local area development fund, but only insignificantly lower parliamentary activity. In line with our hypotheses, these differences decline in the development level of the constituency - a proxy for higher rent-seeking possibilities and monitoring intensity. We argue and demonstrate why these negative relations should constitute an upper bound estimate of the causal effect, and show that even under conservative assumptions the effect is unlikely to be caused by unaccounted selection-bias.  相似文献   
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