旅游产业实力评价与广西旅游强省建设

本文构建了省域旅游产业实力传统评价指标体系和综合评价指标体系,并运用这两个指标体系分别对广西旅游产业实力及其在全国的排名进行了评价与分析。在综合分析内外部环境与条件的基础上,提出了广西旅游强省建设2006～2020年的目标体系．以及以“政府主导、区域合作、产业联动、资源整合、企业增效”为总体指导思想,加快广西旅游强省建设的对策。     

首都城市功能定位与产业发展互动关系研究

城市功能与城市产业发展相辅相承。北京作为国家首都,其自身的特殊功能定位对首都产业选择与发展提出了更高的要求。文章在回顾北京城市功能演变与产业发展互动历程的基础上,进一步明确新时期首都城市功能定位对产业发展的需求和实际影响,提出基于新时期首都城市功能定位的现代产业体系,并对加速推进首都现代产业发展提出了针对性的政策建议。     

"体验"与"表演":旅游者的文化表达

旅游活动从本质上说,是旅游者的一种精神和文化活动。除了传统意义上的文化享受和精神愉悦外,旅游活动也是旅游者的文化“体验”和“表演”,这种文化表达使旅游者的心理世界更为丰富。把握旅游活动的文化品质,是现代旅游业的发展方向。     

浅谈生态旅游在旅游业中的应用

文章通过阐述生态旅游在现代旅游业发展中的重要性,认为生态旅游是未来旅游业的发展趋势所在。在纠正现代旅行社在旅游目的地环境保护上的欠缺之后,把生态旅游和旅行社工作结合起来,以期现代旅行社的工作能朝着生态旅游的方向稳步、健康发展。     

中国城乡居民收入差距的制约因素和缩小路径——基于收入结构视角的实证研究

利用2000—2012年中国全国及31个省(自治区、直辖市)的年度数据,测度了全国和各省区的城乡居民在收入结构中分项收入上的差距对其城乡居民总收入差距的影响方向和影响程度。结果显示:无论从全国层面还是省际层面来看,城乡居民在工资性收入、家庭经营纯收入、转移性收入和财产性收入上的差距较大,与城乡居民总收入差距的发展趋势不一致;不同分项收入对总收入差距的作用效果不同、影响性质相异;城乡居民在财产性收入、工资性收入和转移性收入上差距的拉大是导致城乡居民总收入差距扩大的主要原因,而经营性收入差距的缩小可有效缩小城乡居民总收入差距。最后提出进一步缩小城乡居民收入差距、优化城乡居民收入结构的政策建议。     

城市社区邻里关系的空间效应

邻里关系与空间形式息息相关.我国当前的城市社区建设,应当充分发挥空间设置对邻里关系的促进作用.传统社区改造在保持公共空间的基础上,应加强空间私密性;新型社区在保证私密性的基础上,应强化公共空间的建设.     

柳州市城市供水方案探析

应用多元层次分析法,分别从柳州市自然概况、水资源开发利用现状及供水需求等方面进行了分析和总结,分析了积极开发其他水源工程建设的必要性,并提出了初步供水方案.同时,对柳州市城市供水施工条件、运行管理、环境影响和经济效益等诸多方面作了初步探讨.     

Creative Mediations of the City: Contemporary Public Art as Compass of Metro Manila's Urban Conditions

In this article, public art is proposed as creative agency mobilized to form urban imaginaries. These alternate visions are largely facilitated by artists and art collectives using urban communities as performative grounds. These projects promote a view of art as an effective channel for ‘recentering’ — the identification of a multitude of centers that endlessly fracture and shift, very much resembling the nature of cities themselves. An alternate vision of the city through cartography informed by contrast, temporality and ephemerality is proposed alongside dominant representations of the city. Works by artists Alma Quinto, Mark Salvatus and Wire Tuazon are representative examples of such strategies. Diverse in tactics and platforms, defined by site‐specific mediations, the projects facilitated by these artists reveal the uneven conditions that beset Metro Manila and its outlying areas. Quinto's altered Urban Plan/Duyan is the result of her engagement with women in an informal settler community in San Andres Bukid, Manila, while Salvatus's web‐based Neo‐Urban Planner is an astute observation of the obsessive yet futile ordering of people and space by the state. Tuazon's Amphibian installation is a commentary on the encroachment of multinational interests in local communities. These interventions are foils to state‐ and private‐led urban development schemes. Their strength lies in their direct engagement with the sphere of public dialogue and self‐determination. These artistic practices and strategies are shaped by community interaction, revealing that meanings residing in urban forms are relentlessly negotiated by the numerous actors that inhabit the city.     

The Primacy of Space in Politics: Bargaining Rights,Freedom and Power in an İstanbul Neighborhood

This article explores and theorizes the ways in which urban space and political contestations are mapped onto each other. The ethnography illustrates the multifaceted transformations in a notoriously secularist neighborhood of ?stanbul, Te?vikiye, as it first turns into a high‐consumption locality in the post‐1980s, then into a high‐conflict urban space in the new millennium on the arrival of Muslim high‐spenders, particularly headscarved women. Aiming to fill the gap left by the absence of spatial analysis from political science and political sociology, I argue that the urban neighborhood becomes central for political contestation when both government and opposition fail to protect and secure liberties and rights. Now that devout Muslims are integrated into highly contested urban sites and share bourgeois lifestyles, ordinary people act in defense of their ‘sphere’ of freedom and privacy. This new territoriality is largely symptomatic of increasing fears of losing freedom, privacy and social status. This spatial defensiveness is reinforced by people's decreasing trust in, and increasing demands from, the state for the protection and security of their rights and liberties. My overarching argument is that exclusive attention to the bipolar clash between devout Muslims and secularists under the rubric of ‘neighborhood wars’ obscures multipolar conflicts around the discontents stemming from authoritarianism and democratization.     

The Vortex of Rights: ‘Right to the City’ at a Crossroads

The right to the city concept has recently attracted a great deal of attention from radical theorists and grassroots activists of urban justice, who have embraced the notion as a means to analyze and challenge neoliberal urbanism. It has, moreover, drawn considerable attention from United Nations (UN) agencies, which have organized meetings and outlined policies to absorb the notion into their own political agendas. This wide‐ranging interest has created a conceptual vortex, pulling together discordant political projects behind the banner of the right to the city. This article analyzes such projects by reframing the right to the city concept to foreground its roots in Marxian labor theory of value. It argues that Lefebvre's formulation of the right to the city — based on the contradiction between use value and exchange value in capitalist urbanism — is invaluable for analyzing and delineating contradictory urban politics that are pulled into the vortex of the right to the city. Following Lefebvre's lead in such an analysis, however, reveals certain limitations of Lefebvre's own account. The article therefore concludes with a theoretical proposition that aims to open up space for further critical debate on the right to the city.