历史情境教育在高校思想政治工作中的合理运用

历史作为一门人文类学科,通过再现历史、分析历史,体现了对人类社会的终极关怀。虽然历史教育的现状不容乐观,但它对当代大学生家国认同感、健全人格、开阔视野和时代创新力培养的作用是不可取代的;同时历史教育也以其自身无可比拟的优势渗透在高校思政教育的各个方面,发挥着其强大的育人功能;更挖掘自身内涵与先进文化创造的交互作用,以创新、延伸的姿态适应时代发展的要求。     

企业政治关联对风险投资引入方式的影响

从资金需求方出发,以2009年10月至2016年12月深圳创业板和中小板首次公开上市的公司为样本,实证检验了政治关联对风险投资引入方式的影响,以及激励机制和监督机制这两种公司治理机制的调节作用,得到结论如下：政治关联企业倾向于在发展后期引入风险投资;政治关联企业倾向于选择国有性质、经验丰富以及参与程度高的风险投资机构;激励机制会加强政治关联企业在发展后期引入风险投资以及选择国有性质、经验丰富、参与程度高的风险投资机构的意愿;监督机制会减弱政治关联企业在发展后期阶段引入风险投资以及选择国有性质、经验丰富、参与程度高的风险投资机构的意愿。结论对拓展政治关联与风险投资领域的理论和实践具有重要启示意义。     

《公民权利和政治权利公约》与我国的人权保障

中国政府于1998年10月签署《公民权利和政治权利公约》,但至今未报经全国人大批准。主要原因在于我国对人权保障的理解及宪法中的相关规定与该《公约》存在重大差别：对人权来源的认识和规定不同;对＂人民自决权＂的理解存在差异;关于＂平等权＂＂迁徙和选择住所的自由＂＂无罪推定原则＂＂人人有权享受思想、良心和宗教自由＂＂结社的自由＂等方面的规定不同。我国应该加强人权理论研究和宣传教育的力度;完善我国宪法法律关于人权保障的相关制度和机制,逐步推动我国人权保障事业的发展。     

Constitutional coordination in unstable party systems: the Brazilian constitution of 1988

Constitutional assemblies are a common feature of many democratic transitions. However, the goal of coordinating constitutional choice would seem nearly impossible when assemblies are comprised of highly fragmented and volatile political parties. Building on Knight’s bargaining model, this article argues that the main challenge to coordination in unstable party systems is the procedural disequilibrium that results from incomplete information over breakdown payoffs. The likelihood of compromise in such circumstances is a function of the ideologies that frame constitutional choice and inform coalition-building. Thus, unstable party systems are not chaotic, although they may be deeply conflict-laden. These issues are illustrated empirically via the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, which demonstrates the possibilities for a stable constitutional order emerging from a fragmented and volatile party system.

Ethnic identities,public spending and political regimes

Do democracies discriminate less against minorities as compared to non-democracies? How does the dominance of an ethnic group affect discrimination under various political regimes? We build a theory to analyse such questions. In our model, political leaders (democratically elected or not) decide on the allocation of spending on different types of public goods: a general public good and an ethnically-targetable public good which benefits the majority ethnic group while imposing a cost on the other minorities. We show that, under democracy, lower ethnic dominance leads to greater provision of the general public good while higher dominance implies higher provision of the ethnically-targetable good. Interestingly, the opposite relation obtains under dictatorship. This implies that political regime changes can favour or disfavour minorities based on the ambient level of ethnic dominance. Several historical events involving regime changes can be analysed within our framework and are consistent with our results.     

经济发展中的地方官员行为研究——基于政治晋升、财政分权与腐败的视角

本文同时考虑财政分权、政治晋升和腐败三个因素对地方官员行为的影响,进而构建了理论模型。从中得到的主要结论是,在基本模型中,地方官员对政治晋升的偏好程度越高,则其努力程度越高、腐败程度越低。而财政分权程度越高,官员的努力也越高,但对腐败水平影响却是不确定的。在进一步假设腐败会被惩罚的拓展模型中,基本模型的大部分结论都没有发生太大变化,只是分权程度的对努力的影响也变得不确定了。除此之外,我们进一步研究了,对官员腐败惩罚的力度和对官员腐败的惩罚准确程度的影响,相关命题表明,如果对官员腐败惩罚的越严厉,并且对官员腐败的惩罚越准确,官员努力水平和官员腐败程度都会变低。通过对研究结论的分析,我们还对以往文献的结果进行了重新解释。     

安全自动装置在高压失稳电网中的配置方案研究

高压电网发生功角稳定、过载等问题时,会严重影响到电网的安全稳定运行,若不及时采取相应措施,轻者会导致元件受损或烧毁,重者甚至会导致整个或局部电网失稳、解列。本文以西北某省330、110kV区域电网为算例,针对高压电网中几种最为常见的安全稳定问题,提出了简单、可靠的解决措施和相应的安全自动装置配置方案。具有较强的实用性和较高的典型性。