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Theories of multinational enterprises emphasize that foreign direct investment (FDI) is undertaken in different industries for different reasons, yet studies of the effects of rights and governance on FDI generally rely on aggregate-level FDI data. This paper evaluates US FDI outflows to 15 industries (eight manufacturing, seven non-manufacturing) in 54 countries in a linear dynamic panel data gravity FDI model using a ‘system’ generalized method of moments estimator and several widely used rights and governance indexes. At the aggregate level, we estimate that stronger rights and governance have a positive effect on FDI, consistent with most prior studies. At the industry level, we estimate larger positive effects of rights and governance on FDI for service than manufacturing industries, particularly for the information and the finance and insurance industries. 相似文献
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J. Robert Branston Lauretta Rubini Roger Sugden James R. Wilson 《Review of social economy》2013,71(3):301-329
Applying a strategic decision-making perspective on the economics of business, we suggest that a competitive locality in the health industry is one that, relative to other localities, is effective in: (1) providing the healthcare that enables everyone to participate fully in the democratic development of the locality; (2) providing the healthcare that is democratically identified as a direct objective of this development; (3) contributing through the health industry to any other democratically determined objectives of the locality's development. The paper hypothesizes that strategic decision-making in organizations is an especially significant determinant of the impacts of the health industry. We conclude that: (i) a locality that suffers concentration in the power to determine the objectives of its health industry could not be strictly competitive in that industry; (ii) the first best way to achieve competitiveness in the health industry would be to democratize its strategic decision-making. What this would entail in practice is discussed in some detail. 相似文献
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Peter Wynarczyk 《Journal of Evolutionary Economics》2000,10(3):329-341
The paper explores the contributions of Joseph Schumpeter and Albert Hirschman to our understanding of the dynamics of modern
democratic capitalist economies and suggests that much of their respective work displays intellectual overlap and complementarity.
It is primarily focused upon the role of economic and political processes as forces of change and adjustment and the necessary
degree of built-in inertia required to permit orderly rather than chaotic responses. 相似文献
5.
Studies on preferences for environmental quality usually posit that price and income explain most of the observed choices. Incorporating recent advances in the economics of non-selfish behavior into the traditional public choice approach, we argue that the willingness to contribute to public goods as well as social norms need to be taken into account when analyzing environmental voting outcomes. We study aggregate results of three ballot proposals in Switzerland put to vote in the year 2000 which foresaw different tax schemes on fossil energy. Our main results show that the aggregate level choice pattern is to be explained by income as well as structural attributes that make costs and benefits of the projects vary. More importantly, our results underline the importance of including variables pertaining to the notion of ideology, both in terms of statistical fit and obtaining unbiased estimates for price and income determinants. 相似文献
6.
周运江 《贵州商业高等专科学校学报》2009,22(1):44-45
私有财产权是宪政国家的基石。私有财产权保障了自由和民主原则得以实现、促进法治建设的进程、增强公民参与政治生活的意识。 相似文献
7.
Mikael Klintman 《Journal of Consumer Policy》2009,32(1):43-57
In policy debates about reducing environmental and social harms, political consumerism is often called for by actors from a broad political spectrum. This paper examines traits of deliberative democracy in cases where instruments of political consumerism (eco-labelling, certificates and standards) are developed. The empirical cases are processes surrounding eco-labelled, standardised forestry, food and electricity in Sweden. In green forestry certification, deliberative processes have taken place close to deliberative democracy ideals. Yet, these processes have been made possible because of equal power levels, although power, according to deliberative theory, should be irrelevant. In organic food labelling, a smothering consensus climate has enabled deliberation, although such a policy condition is at odds with certain deliberative democracy ideals. In electricity labelling, its deliberative processes were embraced by everyone, although the problem scope was narrowly defined, whilst fundamental problems were not addressed. If deliberative democracy researchers become involved in critical frame reflection in consumer-oriented policy making, changes can be made that help reduce environmental harms and strengthen public engagement in political consumerism. 相似文献
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This study examines how direct democratic institutions affect income distribution before and after taxes. Based on a panel of Swiss cantons from 1945 to 2014, we test the effects of the constitutional reforms of direct democratic instruments. Our findings show that better voter access to the initiative induces policy shifts that significantly decrease top incomes and benefit the upper middle class. For the popular referendum we do not find such effects. The income effects of direct democracy are not a consequence of shifts in fiscal redistribution, but rather result from policy changes affecting pre-tax incomes. 相似文献
9.
Kota Kitagawa 《Journal of economic issues》2020,54(2):316-321
Abstract:This article clarifies the significance of “collective democracy” in the works of John R. Commons by comparing it with “judicial sovereignty” in terms of its contribution to “progress.” We can thus answer two issues that Paul D. Bush does not clearly address: (i) what setup for policy formation contributes to progress and (ii) what is the role of economists within a collective democracy? Based on the comparison, the answer to the first question is collective democracy, and regarding the second question, the roles of economists as both economists and “institutional” economists are extrapolated. 相似文献
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