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11.
Peter Bramham 《Leisure Studies》2013,32(4):379-390
Situated at a point of critical intersection between leisure and labour, ancient athletics was in the most essential respects just as complex and ‘modern’ as its contemporary counterpart and can thus benefit from the methods of contemporary sport sociology, which can in turn find in ancient Greece a useful comparandum. As with contemporary sport, athletic pursuits must be situated within the broader economy of leisure in ancient Greece. However, a process of professionalisation gradually developed during the fifth century bce, turning athletics into what was arguably a form of labour. While many continued to derive their pedigree from the elite ‘leisure class’ that almost exclusively dominated the sixth century athletics, a growing number came from less‐distinguished families, their inclusion rendered possible by the construction of public gymnasia, private patronage, cash prizes for victory and other forms of social advancement. Some scholars have pointed to this development as an index of democratisation, but I will argue that it was actually a continuation of elite hegemony by appropriation of the commercial and artisanal classes, parallel to what can be observed in the expansion of athletic participation in the late nineteenth century. Along with expanding the talent pool, the pressure to produce the best athletes for inter‐state competition led to a professionalisation and broadening of athletic training: originally informal and paederastic, it eventually became institutionalised and regulated by the state. Extension of elite privilege to a few successful athletes ultimately served to confirm the Panhellenic prestige and thus also the domestic power of each city’s hegemonic class. 相似文献
12.
Mikael Klintman 《Journal of Consumer Policy》2009,32(1):43-57
In policy debates about reducing environmental and social harms, political consumerism is often called for by actors from a broad political spectrum. This paper examines traits of deliberative democracy in cases where instruments of political consumerism (eco-labelling, certificates and standards) are developed. The empirical cases are processes surrounding eco-labelled, standardised forestry, food and electricity in Sweden. In green forestry certification, deliberative processes have taken place close to deliberative democracy ideals. Yet, these processes have been made possible because of equal power levels, although power, according to deliberative theory, should be irrelevant. In organic food labelling, a smothering consensus climate has enabled deliberation, although such a policy condition is at odds with certain deliberative democracy ideals. In electricity labelling, its deliberative processes were embraced by everyone, although the problem scope was narrowly defined, whilst fundamental problems were not addressed. If deliberative democracy researchers become involved in critical frame reflection in consumer-oriented policy making, changes can be made that help reduce environmental harms and strengthen public engagement in political consumerism. 相似文献
13.
汪波 《湖北商业高等专科学校学报》2009,(1):95-100
随着我国产权制度变革,区域的经济与社会结构已悄然发生变迁。要保持区域制度变迁的“比较制度优势”,就必须进一步推进地方政府体制变迁,满足区域民众日益增长的民主需求,建构基层民主秩序。基层民主的制度安排的价值并不在于选举制度本身,而是在于从根本上改变传统制度结构中“精英主导和民众缺位”,逐步实现制度变迁过程中政治精英、经济精英、民众的和谐互动。 相似文献
14.
Are democracy and success compatible in a business organization? In this work we show how Spain’s Mondragón Corporación Cooperativa (MCC) has made it possible. MCC can be considered a world leader in cooperativism. It is one of the few contemporary business organizations that can be viewed as a democracy, and it represents a unique experience in the use of democratic and participatory methods in management. MCC has developed its own Management Model based on its cooperative principles, on modern management practices and on the cutting edge experiences of the most advanced companies. In this work we analyze the key elements of MCC’s democratic management model, developed around aspects such as corporate culture, organizational structure or human resources. We also look at the case of Irizar, a component cooperative of MCC internationally known for its successful management model. Finally, we outline some practical implications of introducing democracy into organizations, drawn from the experiences of MCC and Irizar. 相似文献
15.
Mark Latham 《Corporate Governance: An International Review》2003,11(2):91-101
We can improve our political and economic systems by redesigning our use of informational intermediaries (infomediaries). Examples of infomediaries are political parties, the news media, proxy voting advisory firms and auditors. An infomediary's source of funding influences the information it produces –“follow the money”. Political campaign finance reform is one approach to redesigning our infomediary systems. This paper proposes another approach: starting a few companies with a new corporate bylaw structure designed to enhance management accountability to shareowners. Shareowners would vote annually to hire an infomediary (paid with corporate funds) to advise them on proxy voting. If this system proves effective, it can spread to existing corporations and then to the political arena. 相似文献
16.
Gebhard Kirchgässner 《Constitutional Political Economy》2008,19(2):81-93
Swiss direct democracy is often accused of being an obstacle to reforms, with the strong influence of interest groups being the reason. Actually, the referendum has a retarding effect: it implies a status quo bias. On the other hand, the initiative has an accelerating effect. The influence of interest groups is hardly larger in direct compared to representative democratic systems. Thus, it is highly questionable whether the abolition of Switzerland’s direct democracy (at the federal level) would—in the long-run—really lead to political decisions which are more open to reforms. 相似文献
17.
Political entrepreneurship occurs when an individual acts on a political profit opportunity. These profit opportunities can be divided into two categories: productive, and predatory. Productive opportunities enable entrepreneurs to profit from enhancing the efficiency of government, while predatory opportunities enable entrepreneurs to profit from forcibly transferring resources from some to others. This analysis shows that political institutions tend to favor predatory over productive political entrepreneurship, and shows that what is sometimes referred to as political exchange does not have the same efficiency characteristics as voluntary exchange in private markets. 相似文献
18.
This study examines how direct democratic institutions affect income distribution before and after taxes. Based on a panel of Swiss cantons from 1945 to 2014, we test the effects of the constitutional reforms of direct democratic instruments. Our findings show that better voter access to the initiative induces policy shifts that significantly decrease top incomes and benefit the upper middle class. For the popular referendum we do not find such effects. The income effects of direct democracy are not a consequence of shifts in fiscal redistribution, but rather result from policy changes affecting pre-tax incomes. 相似文献
19.
Thomas Apolte 《Economics of Transition》2011,19(4):693-722
This article revisits the relationship between democracy, liberalization and prosperity in transition countries, using a panel of 25 countries over 20 years. Earlier investigations found political and economic liberalization to be positively correlated although the relationship between political liberalization and prosperity remained unclear. In this article, the results are ambiguous regarding the relationship between democracy indicators by Freedom House and the Polity Project on one hand and growth on the other. This contribution therefore investigates the component variables of these indicators to determine their degree of influence. The findings suggest that basic constitutional rights and constraints on the government rather than political competition as such may be conducive to both economic liberalization and prosperity in the transition countries. 相似文献
20.
Democracy and Growth: Alternative Approaches 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Jenny A. Minier 《Journal of Economic Growth》1998,3(3):241-266
This article focuses on two previously unexamined aspects of the relationship between economic growth and democracy. First, the growth experiences of countries that experience significant changes in democracy are examined directly. Countries that democratize are found to grow faster than a priori similar countries, while countries that become less democratic grow more slowly than comparable countries. These differences do not seem to be due to differences in education or investment levels. Second, regression tree analysis suggests that democracy, along with initial income and literacy, contributes to the identification of regimes of countries facing similar aggregate production functions. 相似文献