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Conclusions The necessary and sufficient condition suggested by Hillman [1980] for the index of RCA, when used in cross-country comparisons, to provide a one-to-one relationship between pre-trade comparative advantage and revealed comparative advantage is fulfilled for the great majority of the “commodities” traded in 1985 by 118 developing economies. Given the low level of data aggregation (the lowest for which statistical information is currently available), the large sample of countries and the high percentage of developing economies’ total exports captured in this research, we can conclude that Balassa’s export-performance index, for cross-country comparisons, is a good indicator of comparative advantage as reflected by pre-trade prices. In other words, Hillman’s condition is a useful indicator of the presence of monotonicity in indices of RCA: we have observed that at a 5-digit level of commodity aggregation, increases in Balassa’s export performance index of RCA are likely to correspond to increases in export levels. Aggregation of commodities at a 3-digit and at a 1-digit level suggests that Hillman’s condition is unlikely to be violated if the cause for values of the Hillman’s Index less than one is due to export specialization; on the contrary, the number of cases of a Hillman Index smaller than one due to a large share of world markets is expected to be negatively related to the level of aggregation. Our results suggest that Hillman’s index should be calculated in any empirical investigation trying to assess the long-term implications of trade liberalization negotiations using an export-performance index of RCA. There is evidence that, if used at a disaggregated level, the HI is a tool that may help flag cases in which the RCA index can be a misleading indicator of countries’ comparative advantage, even in cross-country comparisons. It may also help reduce disagreements regarding the most appropriate coefficient of RCA. Further research should be directed toward enlarging the sample of countries to include the entire world and to incorporate at least three years of trade so as to be able to eliminate the possible influence of cycles.  相似文献   
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This article examines the crisis of social concertation in Italy since 2000. We argue that this crisis is not due exclusively to the political shift from a centre‐left to a centre‐right government led by Silvio Berlusconi, or the end of the European integration phase. It reflects the continued failure of Italian social concertation to address problems of economic growth and work productivity was apparent by the second half of the 1990s. We argue that this is due mainly to the stagnation of the decentralisation process at the company and territorial levels and, in particular, the limited development of second‐level collective bargaining introduced by the 1993 July Ciampi Protocol. This reflects a weakness in the Italian institutional context as well as the difficulties associated with the altering of industrial relations in global market economies more generally. The prospects for the future of concertative policy making in the Italian context are also discussed.  相似文献   
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Evolution of industrial relations and human resource management in Italy in the last decade is analysed through qualitative case studies, quantitative surveys and a combination of qualitative/quantitative data originating from network researches.

In the 1980s, complementary industrial relations/human resource management in Italy were based on the trade-off between employment security, work flexibility and industrial adjustment. In the 1990s this complementarity is under pressure from a second restructuring process (and privatization) of Italian enterprises.

The last surveys underline that the basic features of industrial relations were not altered, but the data confirm the critical importance of the relationship between industrial relations and human resource management and also the fragility of this balance.  相似文献   
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There is a positive and stimulating aspect to the current attitude towards social solidarity, especially in a context of economic and social change. Where once the concepts of interest and solidarity were contrasted, micro-level developments of a corporatist nature are contributing to ways of achieving a link between economic flexibility and social solidarity. A greater amount of negotiation is occurring on a range of key industrial issues compromises are being made due to the awareness of a ‘common danger’. In Italy, developments along such lines point to a need to reassess the assumed language used for understanding the politics of industrial relations.  相似文献   
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