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This paper examines how partners in a couple share domestic work according to the woman’s investment in career. Investment is measured relatively to other women or to the partner. While previous studies mainly focused on the influence of wages and earnings, we extend them by considering more dimensions describing the intensity of the woman’s attachment to the labour market. We use the 2010 French Time Use survey to estimate a model of household division of labour in dual earner couples. We find that the more women are invested in career, the less domestic work they perform during weekdays, which is partly substituted by their partners but only on weekend days. The sharing of tasks is thus less unequal in those couples. However, women still spend more time than their partners on average performing domestic work, even when the woman outperforms him in career, implying no role reversal in the division of labour.  相似文献   
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The paper applies the collective model to the analysis of intra-household inequality using one of the subjective-qualitative questions available in the RLMS (Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey) data, and provides a test for its assumptions. Interpreting the individual answers as reported budget scales we assume a correspondence between the budget level that household members report and their true income sharing. We first show that this assumption is supported by the data, and then use couples who report the same level of budget to identify the full sharing rule for the whole sample.  相似文献   
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The article offers a structurationalist analysis of the embeddedness of Arab entrepreneurs in the political economy of Israel in two stages. Firstly, we consider entrepreneurs' agency in the context of socio‐spatial structural aspects concerning tangible networks that are directly associated with business operation. Secondly, we consider agents' horizons of awareness of opportunities in the market in the context of their accessibility to support institutions and elites. The analysis focuses on exposing barriers to economic growth and the understanding of their root causes. From the three structural dimensions studied in the first stage – regional scale, ethnicity and peripherality – we found that while agents struggle to embed themselves in the national economy, ethnicity and peripherality create barriers to the expansion of networks beyond home regional networks. While ethnicity seems to be a secondary barrier, peripherality emerges as the more significant mechanism that maintains low development capacity in the Arab sector in Israel. The major mechanisms that maintain Arab entrepreneurs' peripheral status include: selective state policies that privilege Jewish New Towns over neighbouring Arab ones; the abuse of power by Jewish corporations; and a vicious circle of low profitability created by the large number of small competitors. The research demonstrates that even the great effort made by Arab entrepreneurs to embed themselves in business networks on a national scale does not enable them to transform these networks to economic success. L'article propose, en deux parties, une analyse structuraliste de l'intégration des chefs d'entreprise arabes dans l'économie politique d'Israël. Tout d'abord, il étudie leur ‘l'agence’ dans le cadre des aspects structurels socio‐spatiaux concernant les réseaux réels directement liés à l'activité commerciale. Ensuite, il examine les possibilités des agents de reconnaître les opportunités du marché en fonction de leur accessibilitéà soutenir institutions et élites. L'analyse s'attache à exposer les obstacles à la croissance économique, et à comprendre leurs causes premières. Des trois dimensions structurelles étudiées dans la première partie (échelle régionale, ethnicité et périphéricité), il ressort que, tandis que les agents luttent pour s'intégrer dans l'économie nationale, ethnicité et périphéricité entravent l'expansion des réseaux au‐delà des tissus régionaux intérieurs. Si l'ethnicité paraît un obstacle secondaire, la périphéricité se révèle le mécanisme prépondérant pour maintenir une faible capacité de développement dans le secteur arabe d'Israël. Les principaux mécanismes qui pérennisent le statut périphérique des chefs d'entreprise arabes comptent: les politiques gouvernementales sélectives qui privilégient les Villes Nouvelles Juives par rapport à leurs voisines arabes, l'abus de pouvoir d'entreprises juives, et un cercle vicieux de faible rentabilité généré par la multiplicité de petits concurrents. Selon les recherches, mäme l'énorme effort des chefs d'entreprise arabes pour s'intégrer dans les réseaux d'affaires au niveau national ne leur permet pas de transformer ces réseaux en réussite économique.  相似文献   
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