Regional and State Variation in Homeownership Rates; or If California's Home Prices Were as Low as Pennsylvania's Would its Ownership Rate be as High?

There are significant disparities in homeownership rates across the regions and states of the United States. The causes of these disparities are determined within a standard probit model of the individual homeownership decision where the micro-level observations are aggregated to the regional level. Factors which play a significant role at the individual level are evaluated for their ability to explain regional differentiation. The relative price of owning and renting plays a major role as do other market level determinants. Individual demographic characteristics are not as important with the exception of those related to the immigration and citizenship status of the household head.     

中外住房保障制度的对比分析

住房保障制度是国家在注重社会公平和城镇居民基本住房诉求下,解决不同收入状况的城镇居民住房的不可或缺的政策。国外经验表明,住房问题既要靠市场手段,也要依靠大量的公共政策手段。我国应借鉴国外先进经验,建立真正符合我国国情的住房保障制度。这不仅是加强我国房地产业管理,加快房地产市场发展的需要,更是构建社会主义和谐社会的需要。     

粮食价格、收入水准与城镇低收入人群保障

城镇居民是粮食的净消费者,粮食价格上涨其实际收入将下降。受制于收入水平,城镇低收入人群的各项商品仅能满足基本生活需求,粮食也不例外。当粮食价格上涨其能够获得的粮食及非粮商品将减少,粮食安全将会受到威胁。相对于价格补贴,收入补贴的政策成本更低,补贴资金的使用效率更高,改善城镇不同收入人群间收入差距的效果更好,因而,它是更好的政策选择。就收入补贴而言,等效用补贴又优于等量补贴。     

基于生计资本的低收入农户长效增收自主适应机制

低收入农户长效增收存在自主适应机制,利用陕西省榆林市建档立卡贫困户的截面数据,采用 OLS 逐步回归模型识别生计资本对低收入农户收入的影响,有利于探究生计资本的作用机制、增收效应与异质性。结论如下：（1）低收入农户长效增收机制是在政府计划适应下农户自主适应,通过改善生计资本实现农户增收的机制;（2）生计资本对农户增收存在抵消和协同作用;（3）生计资本对农户增收具有异质性,因此农户长效增收机制具有异质性;（4）提能、强基以及结盟是低收入农户长效增收的自主适应策略。     

Impacts of publicly funded health insurance for adults on children's academic achievement

Publicly funded adult health insurance through the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has had positive effects on low-income adults. We examine whether the ACA's Medicaid expansions influenced child development and family functioning in low-income households. We use a difference-in-differences framework that exploits cross-state policy variation and focus on children in low-income families from a nationally representative, longitudinal sample followed from kindergarten to fifth grade. The ACA Medicaid expansions improved children's reading test scores by ~2% (0.04 SD). Potential mechanisms for these effects within families are more time spent reading at home, less parental help with homework, and eating dinner together. We find no effects for children's math test scores or socioemotional skill development.     

西北内陆中心城市低收入人口居住空间及其社会效应——以兰州市为例

以兰州市各街道的低收入人口为研究对象,根据2013年6月进行的兰州市居民调查问卷和棚户区统计数据,借助Arc GIS10.0、SPSS平台,综合运用数理统计、反距离空间插值、主成分因子分析和聚类分析等方法,揭示兰州市低收入人口的属性特征、空间分布、聚居类型及社会效应。结果表明:在社会属性方面,低收入人口主要是低龄、低学历、下岗及退休、无职业且家庭结构较复杂人口;在空间分布方面,低收入人口"西高东低"分布不均衡,呈现"多中心"组团结构,"核心—边缘"特点明显;在聚居类型方面,可将其居住空间划分为原住型、流动型和移民型;在社会效应方面,带来空间分异、居住隔离、资源剥夺和公共安全等一系列社会问题,建议通过调整福利政策、倡导混合居住、拓宽就业渠道和加强规划引导等措施加以消解。     

使用移动互联网助益了低收入家庭收入增长吗？

困于物质资本、人力资本和社会资本的不足,低收入家庭的信息劣势和社会关系劣势阻碍了其收入增长。移动互联网具有强大的信息收集传播功能和社交功能,加上其共享性、普惠性和使用低成本性,为降低低收入家庭的信息劣势和社会关系劣势提供了一条有效路径。因此,低收入家庭使用移动互联网有助于其收入增长。然而,在现实中低收入家庭使用移动互联网能否显著提高其家庭收入,目前还缺乏经验证据。本文认为,低收入家庭通过移动互联网可以低成本地获得就业创业信息、学习技能知识、拓展社会关系,同时互联网的发展本身也催生了更多的就业创业形式和机会,因此,使用移动互联网可以通过促进就业创业、改善社会关系网络等路径提高低收入家庭收入水平;低收入家庭的收入增长主要来源于家庭成员更多更高质量地参与有报酬的经济活动,因而低收入家庭使用移动互联网的收入增长效应主要表现为其促进就业创业带来的工资性和经营性收入增长;同时,创业的门槛约束使低收入家庭的收入增长更多地依赖于家庭成员就业的改善,相应的,促进就业成为使用移动互联网助益低收入家庭收入增长的主要路径。采用2016年和2018年的中国家庭追踪调查数据进行实证检验,分析结果显示：使用移动互联网显著促进了低收入家庭的收入增长,其中工资性和经营性收入的增长效应显著,但财产性和转移性收入的增长效应不显著;使用移动互联网可以通过促进就业创业和改善社会关系网络等路径提高低收入家庭的收入水平,其中就业的中介效应最强,创业次之,社会关系网络最弱,且使用移动互联网对低收入家庭社会关系网络的改善作用不显著。相比现有文献,本文探讨了低收入家庭使用移动互联网的收入增长效应及其就业、创业、社会关系路径,拓展和深化了互联网发展的经济效应研究和低收入家庭的增收路径研究,并为使用移动互联网能够促进低收入家庭收入增长提供了经验证据。本文研究表明,使用移动互联网可以通过促进就业创业、改善社会关系网络等路径显著提高低收入家庭的收入水平。要进一步发挥使用移动互联网的低收入家庭增收效应,应加强移动互联网基础设施建设以提高低收入群体的互联网普及率,并不断优化移动互联网的信息收集传播功能、学习功能和社交功能以提高低收入家庭的互联网使用广度和深度。     

论中国城镇住房自有率与住房保障的关系

居住是劳动力再生产的基本需要,是一种刚性需求,必须予以满足。购买住房所有权是满足居住需求的一种方式,但不是所有的消费者都有足够的支付能力购买商品化住宅。中国城镇极高的住房自有率完全是中国城镇住房保障滞后的结果,降低中国城镇住房自有率有赖于中国政府扎扎实实推进住房保障工作。由于中国各地情况不同,城镇的住房自有率不宜硬性规定,但各地住房保障水平必须有统一标准。     

Neoliberalization,Housing Institutions and Variegated Gentrification: How the ‘Third Wave’ Broke in Amsterdam

Neil Smith argues that in the last two decades gentrification has become a generalized global urban phenomenon. His theory is at a high level of abstraction, as it links urban gentrification to globalization, financial capitalism and neoliberalization. With these global processes, all cities have experienced ‘third wave’ gentrification. The theory, however, leaves little room for variegations of gentrification, apart from characterizing geographical differences as idiosyncrasies or as minor variations. This downplays the role of intervening mechanisms that impinge upon the pursuit and social outcomes of gentrification. This article aims to amend abstract theory by looking at Amsterdam from a historical institutional perspective. In Amsterdam, gentrification was particularly made possible by a process of neoliberalization within the housing system. However, as institutional change is incremental and based on layering and conversion, many older institutional arrangements remain in place. These arrangements tend to slow gentrification and assuage social consequences. Nevertheless, neoliberal modifications to the housing system have been accelerating the pursuit of gentrification. Current policies will very likely lead to exclusionary displacement.