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1.
对任何国家来讲,政治现代化既是现代化运动的一个重要方面,也是现代化运动的一个重要支撑,而传统文化对政治现代化有着不可低估的影响。传统文化是民族历史的结晶,蕴涵了本民族思维方式、价值观念、行为准则等因素,一方面具有强烈的历史性、遗传性,另一方面又具有鲜活的现实性、变异性。因此,传统文化为政治现代化提供历史的根据和现实的基础。本文将就中日两国不同的传统文化对各自政治现代化的影响进行浅析,以求对中国政治现代化道路做有益的探索。 相似文献
2.
刘思华 《生态经济(学术版)》1993,(3)
长期以来,我国社会主义政治经济学由于忽视研究生态经济问题,使之缺乏创新与发展。现在生态经济学得到了迅速的发展,政治经济学必须研究生态经济问题,必须吸收生态经济理论,真正成为社会主义现代化建设的坚实的理论基础。 相似文献
3.
Haiyan Jiang Yuanyuan Hu Honghui Zhang Donghua Zhou 《The International Journal of Accounting》2018,53(4):255-273
This paper examines the role of downward earnings management and political connection on the receipt of government subsidies and market pricing of subsidies. Using subsidies data hand-collected from Chinese listed firms over the period 2004–2014, the results show a significantly positive association between downward earnings management and the receipt of government subsidies. The results also reveal that a firm's political connection is conducive to securing subsidies for poor performers, but not for good performers. Market pricing analyses demonstrate that share markets value subsidies positively in general, but the effect is ameliorated in firms conducting downward earnings management. No discernible difference is found between the market pricing of subsidies received by firms with political connections and those without. 相似文献
4.
传统西方公务员制度产生于立法权与行政权合二为一的"政党分赃制"时代背景下,其旨在强化行政权,使行政权从立法权中分离出来,脱离政党的控制,这决定了其必然坚持"政治中立"原则。现代西方公务员制度处于行政权一权独大的时代背景下,这决定了必须采取措施重新实现立法权对行政权的有效制衡,表现为淡化公务员"政治中立"原则,加强行政系统对立法系统的"政治回应性"。西方公务员制度在"政治中立"问题上的历史演变本质上是"分权制衡"的政治体制在不同时代背景下有效运作的必然结果。 相似文献
5.
Yunsen Chen Deqiu Chen Weimin Wang Dengjin Zheng 《Journal of Accounting and Public Policy》2018,37(1):39-64
How political uncertainty affects the supply of value relevant information about a firm is an important but unresolved question. Using an emerging market setting where political leaders are expected to exert significant influence on economic activities, we examine the effect of political uncertainty caused by turnovers of local government leaders on a firm’s information environment. We find that during periods of political uncertainty, the total amount of idiosyncratic information about a firm that is available to the market is reduced. The adverse effect on information supply is manifest in firms that are more politically dependent and stronger when uncertainty is more severe. Further, we provide evidence suggesting that firms react to political uncertainty by reducing the amount and the quality of information provided to investors. We find that information intermediaries such as financial analysts and the media have a moderating effect on the information environment as they increase the production of information during periods of political uncertainty. However, these intermediaries do not negate the net loss of information. 相似文献
6.
Using a large sample of firms with single-name credit default swap (CDS) contracts in 30 countries, we document the evidence that political uncertainty, proxied by national election dummy, is positively related to firm-level credit risk. Specifically, this positive relation is more pronounced for the firms that have no political connection or poor international diversification, and in the countries with higher political uncertainty and lower investor protections. Further, by using a difference-in-differences approach, we find evidence to support idiosyncratic volatility and debt rollover channels through which political uncertainty affects the credit risk of individual firm. 相似文献
7.
作为世界三大宗教之一的伊斯兰教在埃及具有深厚的群众基础和广泛的精神认同,但是与其他宗教不同的廷伊斯兰载不仅具有广适的精神认同,同时还对世俗生活产生着巨大的影响。在不断的发展过程中,一些伊斯兰教精英分子开始有意识的将伊斯兰教进行政冶伪撩善,特伊新兰教的教义、传统、责任进行重新解释.基于伊斯兰教义提出政治诉求。政治伊斯兰势力应时而生。作为一种政治化了的宗教,其对社会世俗化的影响值得广泛关注。 相似文献
8.
We adopt the view that greater party discipline induces legislators to commit to promised policies after being elected. We then develop the hypothesis that the effect of party discipline on the stringency of environmental policy is conditional on the degree of government corruption. Our empirical work suggests that greater party discipline results in more stringent environmental policies when the level of corruption is relatively low, but in weaker policies when the level of corruption is comparatively high. 相似文献
9.
《Business Horizons》2022,65(4):401-411
Organizations underperform, or fail, when members avoid partnering with managers—whether through subtle resistance, disagreement, protest, or walkout—to achieve common purpose. Managers should boost partnering not by affecting a pretense of leadership but through a nuanced balance of managerial authority and understanding of members’ points of view. The objective of this article is to sharpen attention on the concept of partnership with organization members and how it relates to some of the important previous literature. We also argue that some of the previous scholarly work contributes to misconceptions related to these concepts. Our work is forward-looking in that it is motivated by the dangerous societal and cultural differences evident in the world, differences that surround management’s decisions and that may induce an overuse of authority to quash disquiet. Using our experiences in both industry and academia, we argue that the crucial link between managers and members is leadership—not leadership thought of as directional and inspirational, but leadership as building a relationship toward common purpose through partnership. “Lead” and “leader” are sorely misused terms, and worse, substituting “leader” for “manager” is just plain wrong. We believe that managers become leaders only when followers agree to follow, not when the managers simply step forward energetically with direction. Managers are cheated by mistaken definitions. Reviewing past perspectives about what makes good leaders and managers, we rethink ways to enhance organizational harmony through a clearer understanding of managership, leadership, followership, and partnership. Only by thinking and acting as partners in common purpose can managers and members form the core of success in organizational endeavors. 相似文献
10.
Gary Reich 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(3):177-197
Constitutional assemblies are a common feature of many democratic transitions. However, the goal of coordinating constitutional
choice would seem nearly impossible when assemblies are comprised of highly fragmented and volatile political parties. Building
on Knight’s bargaining model, this article argues that the main challenge to coordination in unstable party systems is the
procedural disequilibrium that results from incomplete information over breakdown payoffs. The likelihood of compromise in
such circumstances is a function of the ideologies that frame constitutional choice and inform coalition-building. Thus, unstable
party systems are not chaotic, although they may be deeply conflict-laden. These issues are illustrated empirically via the
Brazilian Constitution of 1988, which demonstrates the possibilities for a stable constitutional order emerging from a fragmented
and volatile party system.
相似文献
Gary ReichEmail: |