有了WTO，为何还要自由贸易协定？

4月15日,中国与冰岛签署自由贸易协定。4月26日,中韩自由贸易区第五轮谈判举行。5月24日,中国与瑞士签署谅解备忘录,中瑞自由贸易区谈判基本尘埃落定。在全球经济放缓的形势下,包括中国在内的许多国家转向双边或多边的区域自由贸易来解决贸易问题。既然有了WTO,为何还要自由贸易协定？两者有何不同？     

中日韩自贸区建设的战略选择

2012年中日韩三边关系两大标志性事件——领土争端和中日韩三国自由贸易区（FTA）谈判启动，这某种程度上也代表了东北哑局势的未来走势——“经济优先、政治滞后”的双边及多边关系发展模式仍将持续。     

CAFTA的制度约束与中国双边自由贸易区建设路径

借鉴新加坡双边自由贸易区建设机制,加快与韩国、日本及印度等不同发展程度国家贸易磋商与谈判,建立CAFTA区域外双边自由贸易区将是中国外贸可持续发展的有效模式。     

基于贸易引力模型的SCFTA实证研究

中国-新加坡自由贸易区协议(SCFTA)的建设,影响中国在亚太经贸合作的长远发展。SCFTA建设的贸易引力模型构建分析框架,考察双边自由贸易区的有效性。适用的双边自由贸易制度安排能够促进中国加快CAFTA体制外经贸合作的可能。建议中国推进具备贸易地理优势国家的经贸合作进程,谋求WTO框架下多层次双边自由贸易机制建设的主动地位。     

自贸区为中国经济全球化构建新平台

随着多哈回合谈判的休眠,加之危机的爆发,使得多边贸易谈判进程缓慢,发展双边自由贸易成为各国(地区)最主要的对外贸易政策。近年来,以自由贸易区为主的区域经济一体化迅猛发展,深刻改变世界地缘政治和经济发展格局。在此形势下,实施自由贸易区战略,是我国顺应时代发展潮流、坚持对外开放国     

自由贸易试验区的概念辨析

自贸区是中国单方自主设立的特殊国内经济贸易区,不属于国际多边或双边自由贸易协定下或区域经济一体组织框架下的自由贸易区,亦不属于《京都公约》中所表述的"自由区"。因此在自贸区建设与发展过程中,我们需要厘清自贸区的性质及功能定位,并做到自贸区海关对"境内关内"的区域同样实施监管,以更好地实现既定目标。     

非周边模式自由贸易区成因的政治经济分析——基于对治理水平的思考

本文以中智自由贸易区为例,回顾了两国自由贸易区的建设历程。在政治经济学框架下对经济规模悬殊的国家间跨区域形式的自由贸易区建成的原因进行了理论与实证分析,找到"政府治理水平"这一影响FTA达成的因素。     

双边FTA谈判的策略选择模型与实证分析

在"实施自由贸易区战略"的指导下,我国的自贸区建设工作已经取得了长足发展。在建立FTA的过程中,如何作出对我国经济长期可持续发展最有利的决策是FTA谈判的核心问题。为了解决这一问题,本文通过建立双层博弈模型以及逆向选择模型,并应用GTAP模型合成了双边FTA谈判策略选择理论和可计算模型。通过对中韩FTA所涉及的12个行业货物贸易产品的实证研究,本文证明了所建立模型的有效性,即可以通过双层博弈模型与逆向选择模型的联合应用,从正向和逆向两个角度确定不同行业的最优谈判策略。     

建立深港自由贸易区及其对深圳经济和税收的影响

2001年11月28日，中国外经贸部副部长、中国入世谈判首席代表龙永图，在香港举行的第14届太平洋经济合作会议上，对香港政府提出的在内地与香港之间建立自由贸易区的建议进行充分肯定，并建议把澳门也应纳入进来。最近，中央原则上同意内地与香港、澳门建立自由贸易区的构想，并责成外经贸部成立专门小组与港、澳政府有关部门研究具体推进措施。在内地、香港和澳门之间建立自由贸易区，所包括的区域范围多大？其贸易自由一体化达到何种程度？该自由贸易区的发展目标和方向如何？现在有多种意见和争论。从全球自由贸易区发展的经验看，越小范围的经济一体化越能促进双边或多边区域间的贸易自由化进程，根据我国地区经济发展不平衡与对外开放的差异程度，按照地缘经济和地缘政治的要求，我们认为，我国的第一个自由贸易区可以在深圳和香港之间率先启动，并将这两个中国的“特区”建设成为在WTO框架下世界性的“经济特区”。     

关注商务部(二)——商务部内设机构主要职责

条约法律司电话:010-65198723起草国内外贸易、国际经济合作、外商投资方面的有关法律法规和规章;负责国际经贸公约拟订的有关工作,审核多边、双边经贸条约和协定等谈判文件;提出我国经济贸易方面的法规之间及其与国际多边、双边经贸条约和协定之间衔接的意见;负责相关的多边、双边知识产权谈判;提出涉及多边、双边贸易投资协定的国内法律法规修订建议;承办部行政复议和行政诉讼工     

Bilateral trade of cultural goods

International trade flows of cultural goods have grown rapidly over the last decades and their liberalization will be an important issue of future multilateral trade negotiations. In this paper, we focus on bilateral trade in cultural goods and investigate its determinants. Furthermore, we use trade in cultural goods as a proxy for countries’ cultural proximity and study if countries with proximate cultural tastes have more intense bilateral exchanges. Our estimations show a positive and significant influence of cultural flows on overall trade, suggesting that regulations fostering domestic cultural creation might have impacts going beyond what is generally expected.     

多哈回合谈判全面中止的政治经济学分析

2006年7月持续近5年之久的世贸组织多哈回合全球贸易谈判全面中止。多哈回合谈判全面中止产生的最重要影响是打击了人们对多边贸易体系的信心，从而可能引发新一轮的区域和双边贸易自由化谈判并由此加剧贸易保护主义。从历史经验来看，多哈回合谈判中止可能仅是暂时性的，经过发达成员和发展中成员的积极努力，最终会重启并完成新一轮全球贸易谈判。     

评欧盟全球贸易新战略

2006年10月4日,欧盟委员会公布了一个题为《全球的欧洲:在世界中的竞争》报告。该报告阐述了欧盟全球贸易新战略。欧盟全球贸易新战略的目的就是通过对外贸易政策的实施,来实现欧盟的经济增长和就业增加。欧盟确定把区域或双边自由贸易协定作为实现经济增长和就业增加的一个战略平台。亚洲将是欧盟选择自由贸易协定谈判对象的主要地区。欧盟的全球贸易新战略与美国小布什倡导的"竞争性自由化"战略如出一辙。由于自由贸易协定在本质上偏离了WTO所倡导的非歧视原则,所以,欧盟与美国的做法将对多边贸易体制产生消极影响。中国面对美国、欧盟甚至是日本展开的一系列自由贸易协定谈判,应该作出应有的反应。     

Bilateral Trade Performance in West Africa: A Gravity Model Estimation

This study provides empirical insights on the functioning of regional trade agreements within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) by identifying bilateral trade barriers that affect the extent of trade flows among member countries. Also, it highlights some trade barrier indicators that are rarely covered in extant studies, such as the multilateral resistance term, the extent of trade complementarity, and the presence of economic integration agreements among ECOWAS member countries. We then provide augmented gravity model estimation on the determinants of bilateral trade in the region. We find, among other things, that trade complementarity had a positive and significant effect on bilateral trade within the sub‐region region. Other important determinants of intra‐regional trade include multilateral trade resistance and economic integration agreements — meaning that countries with some kind of agreement like the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) tend to trade more among themselves than other member countries.     

日本积极推进FTA/EPA的政策措施

日本政府自世纪之交修改WTO一边倒的贸易政策,实施以WTO为中心,同时推进双边自由贸易、地区自由贸易和多边自由贸易的新贸易政策以来,近年来又把自由贸易的重点一步一步地倾向以东亚为中心的双边自由贸易,与美国、欧盟的EPA也提上了议事日程。为此,日本政府在提高FTA/EPA的紧迫感、加快FTA/EPA谈判的同时,还制定EPA行动计划,建立专门的组织机构,加强统一领导和统一协调,进行官产学共同研究,争取国民的理解和支持,积极开展ODA外交,加快农业改革,克服贸易自由化主要的障碍,积极推动了其以东亚为中心的FTA/EPA的迅速发展。     

中国RTAs发展及与拉美国家区域经济合作

本文通过对近年来中国区域贸易安排(RTAs)发展进程的分析,阐明了中国RTAs发展的特点。中国RTAs及其发展体现了多边贸易合作和双边贸易合作并举、广泛参与RTAs谈判活动、先易后难、策略灵活务实、选择的贸易合作对象与中国的经济具有较强的互补性等特点。在此基础上,文章进一步探讨了中国与拉美国家发展RTAs的利弊,认为在经济全球化的大背景下,中国是多边贸易制度的最大受益者之一。为此,在兼顾区域贸易合作发展的同时,要以长远的战略眼光促进WTO多哈回合谈判的成功。     

Trade creation and the status of FTAs: empirical evidence from East Asia

East Asia has been considered a latecomer with respect to Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Since the turn of the last century, however, FTAs with East Asian participation have seen an intra- and extra-regional expansion. Many trade initiatives have been proposed, negotiated or even implemented. This introduces interesting perspectives for the analysis of trade agreements regarding their anticipatory trade effects. This paper focuses on the trade impact of FTAs at different stages that East Asian economies participate in. The central part of this study is an econometric analysis that applies panel data to the gravity model of international trade flows. We augment the traditional model with variables to estimate trade effects of bilateral and multilateral agreements and year-to-year changes in the stages of their implementation. Our results reveal that there exist anticipatory effects preceding the actual implementation of bilateral FTAs with East Asian participation. Further, anticipation effects are larger for bilateral than for multilateral agreements, possibly because the realisation of bilateral agreements is considered more realistic.     

China's WTO Commitments in Agriculture and Impacts of Potential OECD Agricultural Trade Liberalizations*

After accession to the WTO, China's agriculture is affected by the implementation of its WTO commitments and will be impacted by any multilateral liberalization (actions by the rich OECD economies in particular) resulting from the Doha negotiations. Using the actual commitment data, our computable general equilibrium simulation results show that China's WTO commitments will lead to increased agricultural imports and slightly declined outputs in China. The resulting efficiency gains will be negated by terms‐of‐trade losses, leading to quantitatively small welfare impacts. Furthermore, sectoral results depend critically on correctly representing the more complex policy measures, such as the tariff rate quotas. The negative output effects on Chinese agriculture can be alleviated/reversed if the rich OECD countries commit to reform their agriculture policies. The present paper concludes that trade liberalization should be carried out in both developing and developed countries. Reforming the latter will be particularly helpful in easing the problems facing those developing countries that are carrying out ambitious trade reforms.     

印度农产品市场准入:分析及借鉴

印度在利用《农业协定》规则特别是农产品市场准入来规避风险方面,有着丰富的经验。本文着重从印度农产品市场准入的承诺、实际执行情况以及政策效果评价等角度进行分析,以期为我国在WTO新一轮多边贸易谈判中吸取教训,并提供可以借鉴的经验。     

Going beyond Cancun: Realizing the development promise of the Doha agenda

The launch of a new trade round in Doha in November 2001 was a major breakthrough following the discord in Seattle in 1999. The Doha Round is the first set of multilateral trade negotiations in which the needs and interests of developing countries have been officially declared a priority and whose conclusion deemed essential. However, the failure of the Doha negotiations in Cancun in September 2003 was a major setback. The trade talks are now stalled in several policy domains vital to developing countries such as agriculture, non‐farm trade, access to patented drugs, special and differential treatment and dispute settlement, and in areas of interest to the developed countries such as the “Singapore issues” dealing with investment, competition, trade facilitation and government procurement This paper discusses the reasons behind the failure, its wider implications as well as the policies that member governments of the World Trade Organization (WTO) will need to make to move beyond Cancun.