British trade unions in Ireland

This article examines various influences on the organisation of British trade unions in Ireland. The constitution of the ICTU is considered in the context of the drive towards an Irish-based and controlled trade union movement. The organisational response of British-based unions to these nationalist pressures is assessed using union rule books and interviews with trade union officials.     

Irish trade unions under social partnership: a Faustian bargain?

Since 1987 trade unions have been a key party to social partnership agreements in Ireland. Theoretical and empirical studies of corporatism point to positive outcomes for trade unions such as an increase in union density, ease of recognition, and increased employer support. However, apart from a modest increase in union membership numbers, none of these outcomes were realised. Union density levels have decreased significantly, union recognition is more problematic than ever, and employer opposition appears to have increased in scope and intensity. Decline in union density questions the capacity of unions to remain pivotal actors in the future. During the period of partnership union density in the private sector more than halved. It remains the paradox of partnership.     

What Do Employee Councils Do? The Impact of Non‐Union Forms of Representation on Trade Union Organisation

The article examines how non‐union forms of employee representation impact on employee attitudes to unionisation. Through an analysis of union derecognition and the introduction of an employee council in an aerospace plant, it explores a number of factors that may be important in both sustaining and undermining support for trade unions.     

TUC Organizing Academy 10 years on: what has been the impact on British unions?

The year 2008 saw the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the British Trades Union Congress (TUC) Organizing Academy which was designed to train a new cadre of union officials. The aim was to develop a culture of organizing that could help to transform the decline in trade union membership by bringing in new members who had been trained to be active within their unions. Through in-depth interviews and a survey of graduates of the Academy we look at the impact this project has had on individuals, their unions, and the wider union movement. We are particularly keen to give voice to the graduates as they have been charged with the difficult task of transforming the British trade union movement. We find evidence that trained organizers continue to be influential within their unions, but that many (although by no means all) get stuck in relatively junior positions because of the lack of a specialist career structure. This inevitably constrains their influence. The division between ‘servicing’ and ‘organizing’ functions is an almost inevitable consequence of the establishment of a separate, specialist organizing role and can also cause tensions and constrain the spread of organizing practices within unions. Despite this, there is evidence of widespread adoption of basic organizing practices, although more strategic organizing is still far less common. More widely, there is strong evidence of organizers developing new and influential networks between unions, and of individual unions implementing specialist organizing training. Despite this mixed evaluation, we argue that the creation of the Academy has had a considerable impact on British unions and has fostered important and innovative organizing approaches that would probably not have emerged otherwise.     

Representation at Suncorp – what do the employees want?

It is apparent from existing research that little is known about the effectiveness of non‐union employee representation (NER) voice arrangements in Australian firms. This article examines both the non‐union Suncorp‐Metway Employee Council (SMEC) and union voice arrangements at an Australian financial services firm, Suncorp, and assesses their effectiveness in representing the needs of employees. This study is unique because it is one of the few examples of dual representation channels at a single firm. Overall the findings suggest that the effectiveness of union and NER arrangements is dependent on the union and NER voice channels being perceived by the workforce as both representative and able to act effectively or independently. However, while trade unions may provide greater voice than non‐union arrangements, the strength of voice is dependent on the legitimacy and effectiveness of trade unions in representing employees' interests at the workplace. The findings also suggest that the marginalisation strategy used by the union in excluding SMEC from its industrial campaigns, coupled with employees' perception of a lack of effective union voice, could impact negatively on the influence that unions may have on management decision‐making. This could also be perceived by employees as an inappropriate response by the union to management substitution strategies. As a consequence, any changes to industrial relations policy or trade union strategies regarding NER should be considered in the light of these findings.     

新时期国有企业工会工作面临的问题及对策

当前,国有企业工会要想实践好科学发展观重要思想,必须清醒地认识和研究当前工会工作所遇到的新情况、新问题,以与时俱进的精神状态迎接挑战,才能探索出适应新形势要求的企业工会工作的新路子。     

Possibilities for remote participation in trade unions: mobilising women activists

This paper argues that trade union activism within the new era of information and communication technologies (ICTs) offers the potential for unions to become more inclusive of under‐represented groups. Traditional conceptions of activism, participation and democracy within trade unions require physical presence at meetings at times and in spaces incompatible with caring responsibilities and atypical hours of work. This restricts the participation of women and other ‘atypical’ workers in trade unions. The paper explores the complexities of electronic forms of union activism in practice, indicating that while some positive features are experienced, there are also a range of obstacles, barriers and possible negative consequences.     

Negotiating ‘solidarity’ and internationalism: the response of Polish trade unions to migration

In the context of massive outward migration after Poland's accession to the EU in 2004, this article explores the possibilities for cross‐border collaboration by Polish trade unions. The findings are based on interviews with the two main trade union/trade union federations, Solidarity and Ogolnopolskie Porozumnie Zwi?zków Zawodowych: All‐Poland Alliance of Trade Unions, at national, regional and sectoral levels. Examining the issues and challenges faced by Polish trade unions in terms of loss of membership and social capital, the article also evaluates the significance of Poland's status as a country of some inward migration. It is argued that cross‐border trade union collaboration has become an even more urgent project as the economic crisis intensifies competition in the labour market and increases the potential for xenophobia.     

Small firms and trades unions in services in the 1990s

With the decline in trade union membership it is essential that trade unions recruit employees in small firms in the service sector.* The theme of this article is whether unions can recruit in these firms. The interviews provide insights into the attitudes of employers and employees towards trade unions with possible policy implications.     

Union wages,hours of work and the effectiveness of partial coordination agreements

Small monopoly trade unions decide upon the wage rate per hour and the hours of work subject to firm's demand for union members. Since the resulting Nash equilibrium is characterized by excess unemployment, we study the employment and welfare effects when trade unions try to coordinate their policies. Firstly, we consider a joint agreement about marginal wage moderation, where trade unions remain free to choose the hours of work non-cooperatively. Secondly, we analyze in which way a joint change in the hours of work affects employment and welfare if trade unions are free to choose the wage rate.     

Trade union membership trends in seven Western European countries 1950—1968

Post-War trade union membership developments have received relatively little academic attention, in view of the importance attributed to trades union organization in the collective bargaining system, in the social, political and economic fields, in the relationships between organized labour and governments and, in particular, in the efforts to devise institutional arrangements suitable for dealing with wage-price inflation. Union membership levels, the effective power of central federations and some of their individual affiliates, shifts in membership and the often concomitant changes in the political status of a union or unions and the degree of organization of a nation's labour force—are all important aspects of the potential role of trade union movements within the socio-economic and political life of a nation. The objects of this paper are to examine membership levels and changes, density of organization, membership concentration and the membership experiences of the six largest unions within the trades union movements of Austria, Denmark, Germany (Federal Republic), Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom over the postwar period.     

Trends and developments in industrial relations and industrial relations law: Trade union discipline and non-strikers

Perhaps the most controversial change introduced in the 1988 Employment Act was the statutory right given to union members not to be disciplined by their unions for continuing to work during lawful industrial action approved by a majority in a secret ballot. Here the authors examine the legal contexts, implications for trade unions and the wider industrial relations and political significance of this important new right.     

Militant and moderate trade union orientations: what are the effects on workplace trade unionism,union-management relations and employee gains?

This paper presents survey findings exploring the claim that trade union militancy will deliver more advantages for unions than moderation (Kelly, 1996). Responses from representatives in two unions reveal militancy is associated with stronger union workplace activity and greater engagement with management in solving operational problems and long-term business strategies. However, there was no evidence that militancy significantly affects many terms and conditions. Moderate trade unionists in this sample were no more likely to hold a unitarist frame of reference. A further factor analysis of the militancy-moderation scale revealed two separate dimensions of militancy - a 'bargaining' and a 'mobilizing' approach. Although finding some expected benefits linked with militancy, different benefits appear to be associated with a bargaining approach and a mobilizing approach. It is suggested the approach taken in collective bargaining may be at least as important as mobilizing union members in securing gains from a militant union strategy.     

Moving the status quo: the growth of trade union political funds[1]

In the compulsory review ballots on trade union political funds all 38 unions voted overwhelmingly for their retention. Since then 17 unions have adopted a political fund for the first time. This article analyses the reasons for this and examines the position of trade unions which have decided against balloting.     

‘What problems you got?’: managerialisation and union organising in the voluntary sector

This article explores how government public service modernisation policies have impacted on management practices and employment conditions in voluntary sector welfare organisations and the problems unions have encountered in responding to such impacts in the context of public service modernisation. The study finds that employees encounter problems developing workplace union organisation and unions face problems developing a coherent strategy on support for the sector and for resisting public sector reform, which hinders trade union resistance. The implications of this may be important in strengthening managerial control over the public service labour process.     

British trade union membership,density and decline in the 1980s: a research note

This article is concerned with British trade union membership statistics. It provides three different estimates of trade union density and considers their meaning and significance. It also assesses the reliability of union membership figures, and finally it provides fresh data on the unemployed membership of trade unions.     

The end of the Ghent system as trade union recruitment machinery?

During the past 15 years, membership rates in many unions have been declining in Denmark, Finland and Sweden. Reasons for this decline may be similar to what has happened in other countries—occupational change and neoliberal ideology and policies—but in the three Ghent countries, changes in the unemployment insurance system may also have affected trade union membership losses. The major part of the decline has taken place in a period of low unemployment, which may have reduced the employee incentive to take unemployment insurance, but will increasing unemployment rates mean more trade union members? At least for the LO‐ and SAK‐affiliated trade unions, it seems that trade union independent unemployment funds may be alternatives for workers who take unemployment insurance.     

Statutory union recognition in the UK: a work in progress

The 1999 scheme for statutory union recognition has been criticised for being too complex, and for leaving important matters unclear, for doing too little for workers and unions and for requiring too much from employers. The similarity to the US system has also been criticised. There were fears that attempts to achieve statutory union recognition would redirect the energy of trade unions in the UK to fruitless limbs, forcing unions and employers into antagonistic litigation. Although some of these criticisms are tenable, legislation seldom satisfies all parties affected by it, and all new legislation is haunted by the spectre of unintended consequences. Nevertheless, the system of statutory union recognition adopted in the UK strikes a reasonable balance between the interests of the rival parties and appears to function efficiently and, for the most part, fairly.     

高校维权工作中工会的科学定位

随着高校学习实践科学发展观活动的不断深入,工会要从建设"和谐校园"的高度上重新审视维权机制的重要意义,面对新的形势和任务,如何以科学发展观为指导,牢固树立科学维权观,切实表达和维护职工群众的合法权益,是摆在工会组织面前的重要课题。工会组织要认真学习贯彻中国工会十五大精神,最重要的就是以学习实践社会主义科学发展观为主旨,坚持党政主导、工会运作、社会支持的维权格局,牢固树立"主动维权、依法维权、科学维权"的工会维权观。     

Recognising the lesbian and gay constituency in UK trade unions: moving forward in UNISON?

Recent research on trade union democracy has drawn attention to the heterogeneity of union membership and the social processes within unions which can lead to the inclusion or exclusion of specific constituencies within union structures. This article draws on a case study of lesbian and gay self organisation in UNISON to illustrate the value of developing democratic structures to reflect this constituency and improve trade union representation and participation.