共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 46 毫秒
1.
John Considine 《Constitutional Political Economy》2006,17(2):71-85
There is a respectable tradition of Burkean constitutional interpretation in legal scholarship whereas Edmund Burke is a relatively
neglected figure in constitutional political economy. A comparison of the constitutional interpretations of constitutional
political economy and Burkean legal scholarship provides a potentially fruitful outcome for both. This is particularly so
given the 18th century intellectual roots of each. An examination of the Burkean tradition demonstrates why it is methodologically
inductive, evolutionary and pessimistic, compared to the deductive, individualistic and optimistic approach of the Smithian
tradition of constitutional political economy. Interestingly, these sharp distinctions in method produce similar results.
相似文献
John ConsidineEmail: |
2.
Charles B. Blankart 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(2):99-106
The European Union of today is neither a confederation nor a federation, but rather an association of compound states. It
is shown that this mixture of two forms of constitutional contracts implies inconsistencies prone to political deadlocks.
A Buchanan/Tullock/Rawls approach to a reform suggests a clear choice between either a confederation or a federation. In this
paper, however, it is proposed to follow a Hayekian approach in which issue fields are allocated to a confederation or to
a federation, respectively depending on the revealed homogeneity of preferences of the citizens across the Member States.
Hence both, Council and European Parliament, would remain the central decision makers but with separate tasks. Suggestions
are made how to improve their election and their decision rules. The paper should contribute to the debate on reforming the
European institutions which emerged after the rejection of the constitutional draft by the French and Dutch voters in 2005.
相似文献
Charles B. BlankartEmail: |
3.
In constitutional political economy, the citizens’ constitutional interests determine the social contract that is binding
for the post-constitutional market game. However, following traditional preference subjectivism, it is left open what the
constitutional interests are. Using the example of risk attitudes, we argue that this approach is too parsimonious with regard
to the behavioral foundations to support a calculus of consent. In face of innovative activities with pecuniary and technological
externalities in the post-constitutional phase, the citizens’ constitutional interests vary with their risk preferences. To
determine what kind of social contract is generally agreeable, specific assumptions about risk preferences are needed.
相似文献
Ulrich WittEmail: |
4.
Pierre Garrouste 《The Review of Austrian Economics》2008,21(4):251-269
This paper presents an analysis of the way the Austrian theory of institutions evolved from Menger’s main works. It also tries
to advance the idea that the economics of institutions, when it deals with the emergence and evolution of rules and norms
from interacting individuals, is inspired by Menger’s work and more generally by the Austrian analysis of the emergence and
evolution of institutions. Recent works in the economics of institutions build on this earlier Austrian work to make it more
formalized and testable.
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Pierre GarrousteEmail: |
5.
Gabriele Orcalli 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(1):1-20
The EU’s immigration policy is evaluated from the standpoint of constitutional economics. The main conclusion is that European
immigration policy is trapped in a system of constitutional regulations that is too rigid as it is exclusively oriented towards
the protection and securitisation of European borders. As such, it is not capable of allowing the development of a problem-solving capacity based on successive
trials, and this produces negative outcomes for the whole of the EU.
相似文献
Gabriele OrcalliEmail: |
6.
Domenico D’Amico 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(4):301-318
Buchanan’s reflections on monetary issues have been mostly neglected, despite their great interest both per se and for a deeper
understanding of his general constitutional endeavour. We will thus propose a comprehensive assessment of Buchanan’s writings
on this topic, focusing in particular on the different political models that have been developed to argue in favour of constitutional
constraints on the governmental power to create money and on the implications that one can draw from our author’s monetary
papers for the structure and the objectives of his constitutional discourse more generally.
相似文献
Domenico D’AmicoEmail: |
7.
Gary Reich 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(3):177-197
Constitutional assemblies are a common feature of many democratic transitions. However, the goal of coordinating constitutional
choice would seem nearly impossible when assemblies are comprised of highly fragmented and volatile political parties. Building
on Knight’s bargaining model, this article argues that the main challenge to coordination in unstable party systems is the
procedural disequilibrium that results from incomplete information over breakdown payoffs. The likelihood of compromise in
such circumstances is a function of the ideologies that frame constitutional choice and inform coalition-building. Thus, unstable
party systems are not chaotic, although they may be deeply conflict-laden. These issues are illustrated empirically via the
Brazilian Constitution of 1988, which demonstrates the possibilities for a stable constitutional order emerging from a fragmented
and volatile party system.
相似文献
Gary ReichEmail: |
8.
America’s early constitutional development owes a good deal to the experience and policies of the Dutch republic. Many of
the parallels are direct: In the late 16th century, the Dutch fought a successful war to secede from a major empire. They
wrote a declaration of independence and adopted a federal model of Republican governance almost exactly two hundred years
before the Americans. Somewhat later, the Dutch republic and its political institutions subsequently inspired and protected
enlightenment scholars. Its leading political family and army played a crucial role in curtailing English absolutism in England
and in England’s American colonies, and its federal template provided a model for early American institutions.
相似文献
Roger D. CongletonEmail: |
9.
Art Carden 《The Review of Austrian Economics》2009,22(1):1-19
Ludwig von Mises argued that capital goods were “conservative elements” that constrain future production decisions. Similarly,
social capital and institutions also constrain future production decisions. These insights are applied to the institutional
transformation of the post-Reconstruction American South. It is argued that the structure of social capital that developed
in the South was inappropriate to the formal institutions that emerged as a result of the Civil War and Reconstruction. The
tensions between institutions and social capital are examined in the context of racist lynching.
相似文献
Art CardenEmail: |
10.
Institutional change entails institutional design, assessment, and modification, which necessarily take place within the constraints
and opportunities afforded by existing institutional arrangements. Viktor Vanberg has made major contributions to our understanding
of how institutions evolve. We wish to contribute to this symposium in honor of Vanberg by analyzing how institutions for
the management of water institutions in Southern California evolved primarily through the use of the courts as settings for
deliberation, learning and institutional change.
相似文献
William BlomquistEmail: |
11.
This article studies the question whether labour market institutions can explain the large differences in unemployment rates
in the new member states. It investigates several labour market institutions and concludes that they are on average no more
rigid in the new member states than in the old ones. However, there is a lot of heterogeneity both in terms of institutions
and unemployment rates. The impact of labour market institutions on performance is empirically examined for a panel of European
countries. These results are used to assess to what extent labour market institutions are responsible for the diverse unemployment
experiences in the new member states. Labour market institutions can explain only a small part of these differences. Other
causes of unemployment seem to be more important.
相似文献
Laura ThissenEmail: |
12.
Katarzyna Metelska-Szaniawska 《Constitutional Political Economy》2009,20(1):1-41
Experiences of countries undergoing post-socialist transition in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as Central and Southwestern
Asia, during the last 17 years, reveal great variety in economic reform paths and their successful implementation. At different
moments of transition varying constitutional rules have also emerged in these countries. In our empirical study we find a
significant relationship between constitutional rules and the economic reform process in post-socialist countries of Europe
and Asia after 1989. In principle, the results confirm the arguments of the so-called negative constitutionalists, according
to which the main function of the constitution for economic reforms in transition is its functioning as a commitment mechanism.
The conclusions constitute an important step towards verification of different and often conflicting theories proposed by
constitutional economists and allow to formulate practical recommendations for constitutional legislators and other actors
capable of influencing constitutional change in countries encompassed by the study.
相似文献
Katarzyna Metelska-SzaniawskaEmail: |
13.
Jaivir Singh 《Constitutional Political Economy》2006,17(4):303-324
There has been a substantial erosion of the ‘right to property’ with respect to state takings in India, reflected in a progression of amendments to the Indian Constitution. Among other things, these amendments signify a violation of the doctrine of separation of powers. To study the implications of this on governance in relation to state takings, this paper juxtaposes a narration of events that describe the progressive erosion of the ‘right to property’ against a heuristic analytical structure that seeks to capture the costs of violating the doctrine of separation of powers. This analysis is then utilized to point to the social costs that characterize the state acquisitions (takings) regime in India.
相似文献
Jaivir SinghEmail: Phone: +91-11-26704763 |
14.
Anthony J. Evans 《Constitutional Political Economy》2009,20(2):118-138
This article provides epistemic foundations for traditional rational-choice political science, to explain when and how ideas
matter. Operational codes, epistemic communities and the structural patterns of ideas demonstrates the constitutional moments
that occur during crises, and how ideas can underpin and direct the formation of interest groups. The implications for policy
reform are discussed, along with an application to the Constitutional Moments during the transition of Central and Eastern
Europe.
相似文献
Anthony J. EvansEmail: |
15.
Abel Escribà-Folch 《Constitutional Political Economy》2009,20(1):71-93
This paper explores the effect of dictatorial institutions on revenue composition. The higher the degree of institutionalization
of the regime, the higher the perceived levels of legitimacy, efficiency and credibility, so taxes that require cooperation
and compliance can be more effectively collected from the population. Institutionalized regimes thus make sense if non-tax
revenue sources are scarce so limited representation must be granted in exchange of economic support. Our selection-corrected
results show that more institutionalized regimes are able to collect more taxes on income, profits and capital gains, taxes
on goods and services, taxes on property and payroll taxes.
相似文献
Abel Escribà-FolchEmail: |
16.
This study examines the impact of a stamp tax rate increase on market behavior, using data from two stock exchanges in China. We find that when the tax rate increases from 0.3 to 0.5% (which implies that the transaction cost increases by about 1/3) trading volume decreases by 1/3. This implies an elasticity of turnover with respect to a stamp tax of −50% and an elasticity of turnover with respect to transaction cost of −100%. The markets’ volatility significantly increases after the increase in the tax rate. Furthermore, the change in the volatility structure indicates that the markets become less efficient in the sense that shocks are less quickly assimilated in the markets.
相似文献
Badi H. Baltagi (Corresponding author)Email: |
Dong LiEmail: |
Qi LiEmail: |
17.
On Election Day 2004, a razor-thin majority of Alabama’s voters rejected a proposed amendment to remove overtly segregationist
language from the state constitution. Opponents had contended that approval would have opened the legislative door to significantly
higher taxes. We employ the results from two earlier special elections to analyze the outcome. In 2000, voters supported repealing
a constitutional provision prohibiting interracial marriages. Three years later, Alabamians were asked to reveal their preferences
with respect to additional taxation. The evidence suggests that opposition to higher taxes rather than bigotry was decisive
in the rejection of Amendment 2 in 2004.
相似文献
Michael ReksulakEmail: |
18.
Alain Marciano 《Constitutional Political Economy》2009,20(1):42-56
This article discusses the methodological foundations of Buchanan’s constitutional political economy. We argue that Buchanan
is a constitutional economist because he is an economist or a political economist. In other words, Buchanan is a constitutional economist—he insists on the necessity
of focusing on constitutions and to analyze the “rules of the social game”—because he defines economics as a science of exchange.
Buchanan’s definition of economics is not only specific, it is also opposed to the definition of economics that other economists
retain and, above all, opposed to the definition of economics that many public choice theorists use. The latter have, in effect,
adopted the Robbins 1932 definition of economics as a science of choice that Buchanan criticizes and rejects. Buchanan’s constitutional
economics can be a branch of public choice only under certain conditions.
相似文献
Alain MarcianoEmail: |
19.
Phillip W. Magness 《Constitutional Political Economy》2009,20(2):177-192
This article explores an early attempt to establish a constitutional constraint on tariffs utilizing the Laffer Curve relationship.
In 1842 John Calhoun suggested that the curve’s revenue maximization apex could be used to differentiate between “Revenue”
and “Protective” tariffs independently from the non-judiciable question of legislative motive. When admitted that a tax must
actually be collected to remain constitutionally valid, the apex functions as a de facto upper tariff rate constraint. Despite
subsequently falling in disfavor, Calhoun’s argument illustrates the importance of political economy on the constitutional
level by recognizing conditions that induce policymakers to rationally raise tax rates at the expense.
相似文献
Phillip W. MagnessEmail: |
20.
Niclas Berggren 《Constitutional Political Economy》2006,17(3):217-235
Scholars such as Friedrich Hayek and Aleksander Peczenik have criticized legal positivism for undermining constitutionalism and the rule of law, an implication of which is weakened private property rights. This conclusion is far from evident. First, I contend that legal positivism is compatible with a strong support for property rights. Second, the causal relationship between legal positivism and the degree to which property rights are applied and protected is analyzed. The main arguments for a negative relationship—that legal positivism centralizes and politicizes legislation and that it makes the legal culture servile in relation to the political sphere—are considered unconvincing.
相似文献
Niclas BerggrenEmail: |