Marx and Resource Scarcity: An Institutionalist Approach

Turkey has recently reshaped its own institutional structure by establishing Independent Regulatory Agencies (IRAs). However, the political authority has not desired to delegate the political property rights to IRAs. Although IRAs is de jure established, the political conflicts occuring during the evolution of the traditional-patrimonial state to the regulatory state de facto impede IRAs to institutionalize. This paper observes recent policy changes during the transition and lessons from the energy regulation in Turkey. So, the paper reveals whether the change in the regulatory institutional structure of Turkey is an effective policy in terms of transition to the institutions of capitalism.     

Chronicles of a democracy postponed

We explain a lack of civic culture in today's Russia, closely related to a democratic deficit in the country, by a path dependency which has originated at the critical juncture of transition to market economy. Suppression of democracy in the early 1990s to expedite unpopular reform exposed the new institutional order to oligarchic capture and set in motion a vicious circle of extractive economic and political institutions. The latter have been shaping views and attitudes in the society via institutional learning, continuously suppressing civic culture and solidifying social foundations for extractive institutions. We present evidence from the World Values Survey supporting the above conclusions.     

A proposal for a more objective measure of de facto constitutional constraints

In this paper we propose two new indicators of de facto constitutional constraints. The indicators are based on the presence or the absence of easily observable political events. This makes the proposed measures relatively objective and easy to verify relative to the most widely used indicators of de jure and de facto constitutions. This paper describes the indicators and demonstrates their usefulness for research on economic development.     

Economic growth and judicial independence,a dozen years on: Cross-country evidence using an updated Set of indicators

Over 10 years ago, Feld and Voigt (2003) introduced an indicator for objectively measuring the actual independence of the judiciary and demonstrated its utility in a large cross-section of countries. The indicator has been widely used, but also criticized. Many new indicators for judicial independence have been developed since. Yet, all of them are based on subjective evaluations by experts or confined to measuring the legally prescribed level of independence. This paper presents more recent objective data on de jure and de facto judicial independence (JI) and strongly confirms previous results that de jure JI is not systematically related to economic growth, whereas de facto JI is highly significantly and robustly correlated with growth. In addition, we show that the effect of de facto JI depends on the institutional environment, but not on a country’s initial per capita income.     

De jure and de facto determinants of power: evidence from Mississippi

We evaluate the empirical effectiveness of de facto versus de jure determinants of political power in the U.S. South between the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. Using previously-unexploited racially-disaggregated data on voter registration in Mississippi for the years 1896 and 1899, we show that the observed pattern of black political participation is driven by de facto disfranchisement as captured by the presence of a black political majority, which negatively affects black registration. The de jure provisions introduced with the 1890 state constitution and involving literacy tests and poll taxes exert a non-robust impact. Furthermore, a difference-in-differences approach shows that the decline in aggregate turnout pre-dates the introduction of de jure restrictions and confirms a causal effect of the presence of a black political majority. De jure restrictions intensify the influence of the latter after 1890, which suggests that the main effect of the constitutional reforms may have been an institutionalization of de facto disfranchisement.     

The motherhood wage penalty in times of transition

Depopulation trend in Ukraine caused to a large extent by the lowest low fertility rates raises serious concerns about the long-term economic growth and the country's future in general. In this paper we investigate the existence and the extent of the motherhood wage penalty as a potential impediment to having (more) children in a unique institutional environment. This environment is characterized by: de jure family supportive labor laws but de facto no legal enforcement of these laws; publicly subsidized childcare; and low cultural support for maternal employment, combined with extensive involvement of grand-parents. Relying on the data from the Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey over the period from 1997 to 2007, we find that the overall motherhood wage penalty in Ukraine is much lower than in countries with similar de jure family policies and cultural norms. It constitutes approximately 19%, controlling for individual unobserved heterogeneity, a number of human capital characteristics, actual time in the labor force, and selection into employment. We also find that the motherhood wage penalty differs by education, age at birth of first child, and marital status.     

Institutions,human capital,and growth: The institutional mechanism

This paper contributes to the debate on the relationship between human capital, institutions, and economic growth. The paper first develops a micro-foundation model linking institutions to human capital. The advantage of our modeling strategy is that the human capital accumulation function is derived from an endogenous process. The theoretical model shows that improvements in the quality of institutions foster human capital accumulation, decrease income inequality and change the historical development path. The paper uses cross-country panel data from 1965 to 2005 to test some of the model's propositions and finds that deep structures or structural institutions – which are very persistent and rooted on the historical development path of an economy – affect long-term economic performance, while political institutions are uncorrelated with productivity and long-term economic growth. The empirical estimates also show that growth of physical and human capital – instead of levels – determines long-run economic growth.     

公有制企业的性质

本文概述尚未发生市场化改革的公有制企业的性质。这就是 ,在法权上否认个人拥有生产性资源产权的基础上 ,公有制企业成为非市场合约性的组织。但是为了充分动员在事实上仍然属于个人的人力资本 ,公有制企业用国家租金激励机制来替代市场交易和利润激励体制。本文比较了国家租金体制与市场合约的企业体制的差别 ,认为这是理解公有制企业与非公有制企业效率差别的基础。在方法论上 ,本文认为流行的“委托—代理”框架和“所有权经营权分离”框架都不适合分析公有制企业的经济性质 ,因而尝试运用“法权的和事实的产权不相一致”的框架。     

发展中国家汇率制度安排的名与实——对法定汇率制度与事实汇率制度之差异的经验分析

文章分析了发展中国家汇率制度安排名与实不符现象的分布与演变,并对其成因提出了一些假说。文章使用面板数据多元混合Logit模型的计量分析发现,较高的通货膨胀导致恐惧浮动现象,而较高外汇储备或严格的资本管制则导致恐惧固定现象,这在很大程度上支持了我们提出的关于发展中国家汇率制度安排名与实不符现象成因的假说。     

LINKAGES BETWEEN EXCHANGE RATE POLICY AND MACROECONOMIC PERFORMANCE

Using a sample of 104 countries, we study macroeconomic performance from 1973 to 2007. We examine GDP growth, inflation rate, growth volatility and inflation volatility, and their response to a ‘words versus deeds’ measure of exchange‐rate policy, which is obtained by interacting a country's de jure and its de facto policy. For non‐industrialized countries, the highest growth rates and the lowest inflation volatility are associated with countries that pursue fear of floating policy, whereas countries that pursue a matched float policy (de jure and de facto floating) have the highest inflation rates but the lowest GDP volatility.     

Is globalization detrimental to financial development? Further evidence from a very large emerging economy with significant orientation towards policies

This study attempts to explore the relationship between globalization and financial development by endogenizing economic growth, population density, inflation and institutional quality for India during the period from 1971–2013. Using the more conclusivecombined cointegration method, the study provides evidence of cointegration among these variables. The long-run and short-run estimates from the ARDL model and causality tests, respectively, suggest that globalization in its all forms (political, social and economic) and its overall measure as well as inflation are detrimental to financial development, while economic growth and population density both promote financial development. Furthermore, the results also point out that institutional quality is not conducive to financial development in India, and there exists a feedback effect between financial development and inflation. Moreover, financial development is influenced by economic growth, institutional quality and population density.     

Do Institutions Cause Growth?

We revisit the debate over whether political institutions cause economic growth, or whether, alternatively, growth and human capital accumulation lead to institutional improvement. We find that most indicators of institutional quality used to establish the proposition that institutions cause growth are constructed to be conceptually unsuitable for that purpose. We also find that some of the instrumental variable techniques used in the literature are flawed. Basic OLS results, as well as a variety of additional evidence, suggest that (a) human capital is a more basic source of growth than are the institutions, (b) poor countries get out of poverty through good policies, often pursued by dictators, and (c) subsequently improve their political institutions.     

On the endogeneity of exchange rate regimes

The literature has identified three main approaches to account for the way exchange rate regimes are chosen: (i) the optimal currency area theory; (ii) the financial view, which highlights the consequences of international financial integration; and (iii) the political view, which stresses the use of exchange rate anchors as credibility enhancers in politically challenged economies. Using de facto and de jure regime classifications, we test the empirical relevance of these approaches separately and jointly. We find overall empirical support for all of them, although the incidence of financial and political aspects varies substantially between industrial and non-industrial economies. Furthermore, we find that the link between de facto regimes and their underlying fundamentals has been surprisingly stable over the years, suggesting that the global trends often highlighted in the literature can be traced back to the evolution of their natural determinants, and that actual policies have been less influenced by the frequent twist and turns in the exchange rate regime debate.     

The political economy of legal titling

The libertarian case for legal titling is that formalization of the economic (de facto) rights of those who own land and buildings improves prospects for capitalism and, ultimately, development. Although all rich countries have private property rights, we argue that the success of legal titling depends on a certain kind of state—what we call a property-protecting state—that is often missing in developing countries. We use insights from Austrian economics, public choice, and institutional economics to clarify the political basis for legal titling to improve land tenure security. Evidence from Afghanistan shows that legal titling has not worked because the country does not have a property-protecting state. We suggest focusing on improving political institutions before investing in legal titling. In the meantime, it makes more sense to register land ownership at the community level, without the state.

     

Untangling gender differentiated food security gaps in Bhutan: An application of exogenous switching treatment regression

Using nationally representative data from Bhutan, and applying an exogenous switching treatment regression model, this study assessed the food security status between male‐headed households (MHHs) and female‐headed households (FHHs). The study demonstrates that there is no significant difference between MHHs and FHHs in terms of food security, but when MHHs are compared with de jure FHHs, the food security is significantly lower among the de jure FHHs. The food security gap between MHHs and de jure FHHs is due to the differences in both observable and unobservable characteristics of the households. The food security gap between de facto and de jure FHHs can be explained by the influence of connections and wider access to off‐farm income. Most of the previous studies consider all FHHs as a homogenous entity and ignore the concept of de jure FHHs (i.e., a household run by single, widowed, or divorced woman) and de facto FHHs (i.e., a household where there is a husband, but he is not physically present because of his work off‐farm). As the present research takes this into account, the econometric findings from our study, thus have important implications in formulating special food security policies targeting the most vulnerable FHHs.     

IMPACT OF JOINING THE WTO ON CHINA's ECONOMIC, LEGAL AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS

Abstract.  This essay applies a historical–institutional approach to assess the impact of WTO membership on China's economic, legal and political institutions. In each case historical and institutional trends are described, and the effects of WTO membership on these trends are examined. The topics include changes in economic structure and the rate of growth of GDP, formal legal institutions and the legal behavior of the Chinese people, and the forces contributing to the development of democratic political institutions in China.     

INSTITUTIONAL TRAPS AND ECONOMIC GROWTH

This article's point of departure is that low-quality institutions, concentration of political power and material wealth, and underdevelopment are persistent over time. Its analytical model views an equal distribution of political power as a commitment device to enhance institutional quality, thereby promoting growth. The politically powerful coalition contemplates relinquishing of its power through democratization, weighing this advantageous consequence against the limit on own appropriative ability that it entails. The possibility of two developmental paths is exhibited: with concentration of political and economic power, low-quality institutions, and slow growth; and a more equal distribution of political and economic resources, high-quality institutions, and faster growth.     

Electoral and welfare consequences of political manipulation of the economy

This paper examines the long-term electoral and welfare consequences of repeated strategies whereby a political office-holder induces cycles in economic variables to maximize his chances of re-election. Unlike other studies of political business cycles, we focus on questions of the desirability of these cyclical patterns and on the long-run properties of these political economic models. Noting that the welfare costs of vote maximizing in a single term extend beyond that term, we examine in detail the properties of the ‘long-run equilibrium path’ to which such cycles converge. If the economy starts above this path, vote maximizing can lead to increased social welfare and vote margins. However, if the economy starts below this path, vote-maximizing in the present can cause reduced votes and electocal defeat in subsequent terms. This possibility should lead a far-sighted, enlightened politician or political party to eschew vote-maximizing tactics and the political business cycles which accompany them and thus canhelp explain why empirical studies have not found convincing evidence of the existence of such cycles. This paper also quantifies the dependence of this long-run equilibrium path on the important political and economic parameters of the model.     

Parasitical cultures? The cultural origins of institutions and development

Do cultural attitudes affect institutions and economic performance? This paper suggests they do. To measure the impact of cultural attitudes we use prevalence rates of the common parasite Toxoplasma gondii which is known to affect individual attitudes and societal values in predictable ways. By using prevalence rates of Toxoplasma as instrument for cultural variation, we are able to isolate the effects of cultural attitudes on institutions, distinguishing them from effects of institutions and economic outcomes on culture. We find that our indicators of cultural attitudes are significant determinants of institutional quality, and strong predictors of long-run economic performance.     

The double trap: Institutions and economic development

The empirical growth literature has established that institutional quality is a deep determinant of economic growth. We examine whether institutional quality in low income countries converges to the level witnessed in high income countries, or whether they are trapped in convergence clubs that stagnate or even deteriorate over time. Using the log-t-test suggested by Phillips and Sul (2007), we find evidence of multiple equilibria in institutional quality, with several countries stuck in poor quality institutions traps. We further find that per capita incomes of some of the developing countries are also stuck in low-level traps. Finally, using bivariate probit estimations, we establish that poor institutional traps are major determinants of low income traps. These results indicate that these countries are caught in a double trap where their incomes are stuck in low-level traps from which it is difficult to escape, because the institutions that enable growth are also stuck in low-quality traps.