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1.
Phillip W. Magness 《Constitutional Political Economy》2009,20(2):177-192
This article explores an early attempt to establish a constitutional constraint on tariffs utilizing the Laffer Curve relationship.
In 1842 John Calhoun suggested that the curve’s revenue maximization apex could be used to differentiate between “Revenue”
and “Protective” tariffs independently from the non-judiciable question of legislative motive. When admitted that a tax must
actually be collected to remain constitutionally valid, the apex functions as a de facto upper tariff rate constraint. Despite
subsequently falling in disfavor, Calhoun’s argument illustrates the importance of political economy on the constitutional
level by recognizing conditions that induce policymakers to rationally raise tax rates at the expense.
相似文献
Phillip W. MagnessEmail: |
2.
Domenico D’Amico 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(4):301-318
Buchanan’s reflections on monetary issues have been mostly neglected, despite their great interest both per se and for a deeper
understanding of his general constitutional endeavour. We will thus propose a comprehensive assessment of Buchanan’s writings
on this topic, focusing in particular on the different political models that have been developed to argue in favour of constitutional
constraints on the governmental power to create money and on the implications that one can draw from our author’s monetary
papers for the structure and the objectives of his constitutional discourse more generally.
相似文献
Domenico D’AmicoEmail: |
3.
Gary Reich 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(3):177-197
Constitutional assemblies are a common feature of many democratic transitions. However, the goal of coordinating constitutional
choice would seem nearly impossible when assemblies are comprised of highly fragmented and volatile political parties. Building
on Knight’s bargaining model, this article argues that the main challenge to coordination in unstable party systems is the
procedural disequilibrium that results from incomplete information over breakdown payoffs. The likelihood of compromise in
such circumstances is a function of the ideologies that frame constitutional choice and inform coalition-building. Thus, unstable
party systems are not chaotic, although they may be deeply conflict-laden. These issues are illustrated empirically via the
Brazilian Constitution of 1988, which demonstrates the possibilities for a stable constitutional order emerging from a fragmented
and volatile party system.
相似文献
Gary ReichEmail: |
4.
Alain Marciano 《Constitutional Political Economy》2009,20(1):42-56
This article discusses the methodological foundations of Buchanan’s constitutional political economy. We argue that Buchanan
is a constitutional economist because he is an economist or a political economist. In other words, Buchanan is a constitutional economist—he insists on the necessity
of focusing on constitutions and to analyze the “rules of the social game”—because he defines economics as a science of exchange.
Buchanan’s definition of economics is not only specific, it is also opposed to the definition of economics that other economists
retain and, above all, opposed to the definition of economics that many public choice theorists use. The latter have, in effect,
adopted the Robbins 1932 definition of economics as a science of choice that Buchanan criticizes and rejects. Buchanan’s constitutional
economics can be a branch of public choice only under certain conditions.
相似文献
Alain MarcianoEmail: |
5.
In constitutional political economy, the citizens’ constitutional interests determine the social contract that is binding
for the post-constitutional market game. However, following traditional preference subjectivism, it is left open what the
constitutional interests are. Using the example of risk attitudes, we argue that this approach is too parsimonious with regard
to the behavioral foundations to support a calculus of consent. In face of innovative activities with pecuniary and technological
externalities in the post-constitutional phase, the citizens’ constitutional interests vary with their risk preferences. To
determine what kind of social contract is generally agreeable, specific assumptions about risk preferences are needed.
相似文献
Ulrich WittEmail: |
6.
Gabriele Orcalli 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(1):1-20
The EU’s immigration policy is evaluated from the standpoint of constitutional economics. The main conclusion is that European
immigration policy is trapped in a system of constitutional regulations that is too rigid as it is exclusively oriented towards
the protection and securitisation of European borders. As such, it is not capable of allowing the development of a problem-solving capacity based on successive
trials, and this produces negative outcomes for the whole of the EU.
相似文献
Gabriele OrcalliEmail: |
7.
On Election Day 2004, a razor-thin majority of Alabama’s voters rejected a proposed amendment to remove overtly segregationist
language from the state constitution. Opponents had contended that approval would have opened the legislative door to significantly
higher taxes. We employ the results from two earlier special elections to analyze the outcome. In 2000, voters supported repealing
a constitutional provision prohibiting interracial marriages. Three years later, Alabamians were asked to reveal their preferences
with respect to additional taxation. The evidence suggests that opposition to higher taxes rather than bigotry was decisive
in the rejection of Amendment 2 in 2004.
相似文献
Michael ReksulakEmail: |
8.
This paper investigates various possible meanings of ‘Social Market Economy’—60 years after its political initiation in Germany.
We focus on the variety of intellectual sources that influenced the formation and interpretation of the concept in Germany
during the first half of the last century. Our particular attention is on Müller-Armack’s definition of a rather dualistic
concept of ‘social’ versus ‘market economy’ and the subtle differences it has with an original (Freiburg School) view of ordo-liberalism
that lends itself more easily to a constitutional economics perspective.
相似文献
Michael Wohlgemuth (Corresponding author)Email: |
9.
Nathan D. Griffith 《Constitutional Political Economy》2006,17(1):15-29
Existing theories of regional integration do not satisfactorily explain European legal integration. Like the bears’ porridge,
one explains too much, another too little, and yet another requires unnecessary information. Constitutional economics, viewing
regional integration as a process producing a constitution, is able to explain both momentum toward and resistance to legal
integration in a parsimonious fashion. Further, it produces a unique analysis of the current circumstances of European legal
integration, revealing that the Kompetenz–Kompetenz debate addresses the fundamental dilemma of compound republics. This also discloses that European integration has produced
a novel answer to this old question.
相似文献
Nathan D. GriffithEmail: |
10.
Corporate social responsibility and the ‘game of catallaxy’: the perspective of constitutional economics 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Viktor J. Vanberg 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(3):199-222
The paper examines the issue of corporate social responsibility (CSR) from the perspective of constitutional economics, focusing
on the distinction between a political community’s constitutional choice of the rules of the “market game,” and the market
players’ sub-constitutional choice of strategies within these rules. Three versions of CSR-demands are identified and discussed,
a “soft,” a “hard”, and a “radical” version. The soft version is concerned with the issue of how “socially responsible” corporations ought to play the market game within existing
rules. The hard version is about how the rules of the market ought to be changed in order to induce “socially responsible” corporate behavior.
And the radical version questions the compatibility of CSR and the logic of the market game, calling in effect for adopting some alternative
economic regime.
相似文献
Viktor J. VanbergEmail: |
11.
Anthony J. Evans 《Constitutional Political Economy》2009,20(2):118-138
This article provides epistemic foundations for traditional rational-choice political science, to explain when and how ideas
matter. Operational codes, epistemic communities and the structural patterns of ideas demonstrates the constitutional moments
that occur during crises, and how ideas can underpin and direct the formation of interest groups. The implications for policy
reform are discussed, along with an application to the Constitutional Moments during the transition of Central and Eastern
Europe.
相似文献
Anthony J. EvansEmail: |
12.
America’s early constitutional development owes a good deal to the experience and policies of the Dutch republic. Many of
the parallels are direct: In the late 16th century, the Dutch fought a successful war to secede from a major empire. They
wrote a declaration of independence and adopted a federal model of Republican governance almost exactly two hundred years
before the Americans. Somewhat later, the Dutch republic and its political institutions subsequently inspired and protected
enlightenment scholars. Its leading political family and army played a crucial role in curtailing English absolutism in England
and in England’s American colonies, and its federal template provided a model for early American institutions.
相似文献
Roger D. CongletonEmail: |
13.
Giandomenica Becchio 《The Review of Austrian Economics》2008,21(1):61-79
This paper is focused on the relation between economics and mathematics in the Wiener Kreis and in the Mathematische Kolloquium. In the 1930s, the economic theory became a part of Otto Neurath’s project of Unified Science, but in Menger’s Kolloquium, the reformulation of the model of general economic equilibrium (GEE) distanced it greatly from the Kreis’s neopositivist point of view. The role of Karl Menger is fundamental to understand the methodological and epistemological
cleavage that arose in Mathematische Kolloquium. His role was very important also for understand the relation between the economic theory of the Austrian school and mathematical
economics.
相似文献
Giandomenica BecchioEmail: |
14.
This paper is organized as follows: first, we show that the reference to the notion of group selection is coherent with the
other parts of Hayek’s thought. Second, we develop the idea that recent works in terms of the emergence and evolution of social
norms corroborate in part Hayek’s theses in this domain. Finally, we put to the fore some drawbacks in Hayek’s approach and
propose means to solve them.
相似文献
Pierre GarrousteEmail: |
15.
This study examines the impact of a stamp tax rate increase on market behavior, using data from two stock exchanges in China. We find that when the tax rate increases from 0.3 to 0.5% (which implies that the transaction cost increases by about 1/3) trading volume decreases by 1/3. This implies an elasticity of turnover with respect to a stamp tax of −50% and an elasticity of turnover with respect to transaction cost of −100%. The markets’ volatility significantly increases after the increase in the tax rate. Furthermore, the change in the volatility structure indicates that the markets become less efficient in the sense that shocks are less quickly assimilated in the markets.
相似文献
Badi H. Baltagi (Corresponding author)Email: |
Dong LiEmail: |
Qi LiEmail: |
16.
This paper uses a human capital earnings equation to quantify administrative corruption in the public sector. Regression analyses
are conducted based on information from surveys administered to public officials in Albania. After accounting for officials’
characteristics, e.g., schooling, experience, gender, type of agency, and public and private sectors’ features, we deduce
that the administrative corruption was on average 2.6× the officials’ current salary in Albania, which is equivalent to 16.7%
of the country’s GDP.
相似文献
Omer GokcekusEmail: |
17.
Geoffrey Brennan 《The Review of Austrian Economics》2009,22(2):131-143
This paper is an assessment of Besley’s attempt to orchestrate a rapprochement between public choice theory and conventional
public economics—with its characteristic normative orientation towards public policy. In this paper, I first try to set the
Besley enterprise in the context of earlier work—focussing on my own work with Buchanan (The Power to Tax and The Reason of Rules). I then direct attention to three aspects of the Besley enterprise: whether selecting for competence depends on having solved the motivation problem (either by incentive or selection means), how selection mechanisms might be supported institutionally and the possibility
that selection processes might create incentives at the ‘dispositional’ level.
相似文献
Geoffrey BrennanEmail: |
18.
Steven Pressman 《Forum for Social Economics》2008,37(2):77-83
This paper examines Robert Heilbroner’s 1950 article in Harper’s Magazine on poverty in the USA. It argues that this piece was the first attempt to raise popular concerns about poverty in the USA
after World War II, and in many ways sought to do what John Kenneth Galbraith’s The Affluent Society and Michael Harrington’s The Other America accomplished. Heilbroner was not successful in bringing the issue before poverty to public attention because he wrote at
a time of great economic growth and at a time before TV brought images and ideas to a large fraction of the American public.
He also wrote in a very conservative era, where McCarthyism reared its ugly head and where calls to eradicate poverty were
met with intimations of a Communist conspiracy.
相似文献
Steven PressmanEmail: |
19.
María de-los-Ángeles Gil-Estallo Fernando Giner-de-la- Fuente Carles Gríful-Miquela 《International Advances in Economic Research》2009,15(2):207-225
In this paper, the authors focus on the influence of corporate social responsibility (CSR) upon business profitability. In
order to be capable of working with homogeneous data, the authors’ starting point is to use the criteria defined by PricewaterhouseCoopers’
work on the subject, and published by the Spanish journal Actualidad Económica. In this work, an index was created which assigns between one and five points to the companies depending on the importance
given by them to CSR. The CSR measurement published by the Observatorio de la RSE will also be considered. In order to measure companies’ profitability, this paper will take into account their return on
equity (ROE) and return on assets (ROA) of 2005 and 2006. The authors’ purpose is to demonstrate that the relationship between
CSR and business profitability is neutral.
相似文献
Carles Gríful-MiquelaEmail: |
20.
Jason Brennan 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(4):287-299
Rawls’ theory of justice is paradoxical, for it requires a society to aim directly to maximize the basic goods received by
the least advantaged even if directly aiming is self-defeating. Rawls’ reasons for rejecting capitalist systems commit him
to holding that a society must not merely maximize the goods received by the least advantaged, but must do so via specific
institutions. By Rawls’ own premises, in the long run directly aiming to satisfy the difference principle is contrary to the
interests of the poor, though it is meant to aid them.
相似文献
Jason BrennanEmail: |