In Search of Optimised Regional Trade Agreements and Applications to East Asia

We quantitatively analyse the trade effects of enhanced trade facilitation with extended gravity equations. Our findings confirm that RTAs comprised of countries equipped with better trade facilitation are more likely to be trade‐creating, less likely to be trade‐diverting, and are thus more likely to lead the world economy toward global free trade. We also find that (i) the traditional gains from shallow integration through eliminating tariff barriers will be greater for South‐South RTAs in East Asia such as an ASEAN‐China RTA, provided that the tariff‐reducing schedule is strictly fulfilled, (ii) the gains from deeper integration through enhancing trade facilitation will be greater for North‐North RTAs in East Asia such as a Japan‐Korea RTA, and (iii) the gains from a combined trade liberalisation strategy through tariff reductions and enhanced trade facilitation will be greater for North‐South RTAs in East Asia such as a China‐Korea and an ASEAN+3 RTA.     

APEC贸易投资自由化:进程、挑战与展望

亚太经济合作组织(APEC)自成立以来,在推进贸易投资自由化方面取得了显著成效,关税和非关税壁垒大幅削减,服务业总体开放程度提高,投资准入门槛降低,但与亚太地区自由与开放的贸易投资目标仍存在一定差距。当前,APEC面临国际环境、内部机制、议题领域、成员利益以及与区域内其他合作机制关系等方面的挑战。为此,APEC需要进一步完善机制,以亚太自贸区建设作为新动力,打造更加包容普惠的贸易投资自由化,并发挥国际经贸规则制定的试验场作用。作为APEC重要成员之一,中国应积极参与和引领APEC机制的改革,推动构建全面、高质量的亚太自贸区,将"共商、共建、共享"的新理念融入APEC贸易投资自由化进程,并利用APEC平台参与国际经贸规则的制定。     

Book Review

This paper discusses partial approaches to trade liberalization, such as the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) group's Early Voluntary Sector Liberalization (EVSL) proposal and the "zero-for-zero" approach. Distortions to resource allocation and global markets that might result from partial liberalizations are discussed, and parallels drawn to the possible trade diversion impacts and welfare losses of regional liberalization and tariff escalation. A global Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) model is used to provide some numerical illustrations of the issues with respect to international trade in grains, oilseeds, and related processed products.     

An environmental agenda for APEC: Lessons from NAFTA

The Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum has been slow to deal with trade and the environment issues. In contrast, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and its environmental side agreement incorporate extensive environmental provisions and institutions in its framework. APEC could usefully build upon the NAFTA experience.     

Charting the pacific: an empirical assessment of integration initiatives

Trade negotiations after Uruguay may well be dominated by the Pacific Rim, where two free trade areas (ASEAN Free Trade Agreement, or AFTA; and North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA) already exist and larger agreements are under active discussion (involving the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation, or APEC, area and an East Asian Economic Group). This article analyzes several initiatives using a simple global general equilibrium model that incorporates conventional welfare gains as well as benefits derived from firm level economies of scale, induced changes in foreign investment, and dynamic increases in productivity. Broad Pacific liberalization—i.e., East Asia, North America, and Australasia—is shown to be superior for each participant to liberalization limited to individual countries or East Asia, but not by much. Most favored nation liberalization is shown to be superior for each participant to preferential liberalization—if the actor is East Asia, but not the Pacific as a whole. These estimates will need to be refined, but they suggest that the benefits from Pacific liberalization could exceed $100 billion per year.     

APEC环境产品清单对中国的影响及其战略选择

2013年10月亚太经合组织(APEC)领导人非正式会议在印度尼西亚举行,根据近年惯例,环境产品将是重要内容。本文遵循APEC环境产品清单环境影响的逻辑,根据2012年APEC提出的54个6位税号环境产品清单及其降税情景,对中国税率、经贸、环境及政策的影响进行了分析并得出了相关结论,同时结合未来趋势对中国的战略选择提出了相关建议。     

Trade Policy and Environmental Regulation in the Asia–Pacific: A Simulation

The Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) has the potential to become the world's largest free trade area, encompassing both developed and developing countries. At the same time environmental standards vary substantially in the region. A multilateral computable general equilibrium (CGE) model combined with environmental sub–models simulates the environmental effects of trade and environmental policy changes. The simulations show: (i) Even drastic reductions in trade barriers have only a small effect on pollution; (ii) Low environmental standards relative to trade partners do not necessarily result in increased pollution when trade is liberalised; (iii) Unilaterally raising environmental standards does not crowd out pollution to countries with laxer standards.     

Regional Trade Agreements versus Global Trade Liberalisation: Implications for a Small Island Developing State

This study undertakes an empirical investigation of the macroeconomic and sectoral impacts of two forms of regional trade agreements vis‐à‐vis global trade liberalisation on a small island country, using Fiji as a case study. In order to capture the feedback effects of such a complex set of policies, we employ a dynamic computable general equilibrium model of the Fijian economy to investigate (i) the impact of the Pacific Island Countries Trade Agreement (PICTA), (ii) the impact of PICTA, the Pacific Agreement for Closer Economic Relations (PACER), and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), (iii) the impact of full tariff liberalisation (i.e. tariff removal only), and (iv) the impact of full trade liberalisation, with removal of both tariff and non‐tariff barriers. While PICTA consistently provides the least benefits across a range of macroeconomic indicators including real output, welfare, trade volumes and employment, full trade liberalisation involving the removal of tariff and non‐tariff barriers provides the greatest benefits compared to the other scenarios in terms of real output. However, the latter scenario is outperformed by PICTA, PACER, the EPAs and full tariff liberalisation in terms of welfare effects, trade volumes and employment. The policy implications hold important lessons for developing countries considering trade liberalisation.     

Challenging APEC: the Asia Pacific labour network and APEC's human resource development working group

This contribution examines the interaction between the Asia Pacific Labour Network and Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). In particular it explores the reasons behind the APEC decision to undertake a project to examine successful practices in training, skills development and other human resource activities that have involved labour, management and government. This marks a departure in APEC activiry which to date has neglected labour issues and excluded labour organizations from any substantive role within APEC. The study examines the relationship of APEC to civil sociery, how human resource development issues fit within APEC, the role of the international labour movement in lobbying APEC and the challenges the labour movement might face in participating in APEC including its Human Resources Development Working Group.     

South Asia: Does Preferential Trade Liberalisation Make Sense?

This paper systematically analyses the issue of trade liberalisation in the South Asia region and offers a qualitative assessment of alternative approaches. I compare two broad approaches to trade liberalisation: non‐discriminatory and preferential. The former approach can be pursued on a unilateral basis by each country in the region, on a concerted basis by the countries in the region, or multilateral basis under the auspices of the WTO. The latter approach can take the form of criss‐crossing bilateral free trade areas between various countries in the region or a region‐wide free trade area. The view I take in the paper is that the move towards preferential trading is a mistake, at least from the viewpoint of India. India continues to have very high trade barriers so that the scope for trade diversion and the losses accompanying it are likely to be considerable. Business lobbies being relatively powerful in most of the countries in the region, they are likely to exploit the rules of origin and sectoral exceptions in these arrangements in ways that will maximise trade diversion and minimise trade creation. Inasmuch as the rules of origin give bureaucrats power, employment and opportunities to share in the rents created by tariff preferences, they too will become active parties to the diversionary tactics of business lobbies. Therefore, the member countries are better advised to proceed along non‐discriminatory lines in achieving further liberalisation.     

Small Hubs,Large Spokes and Overlapping Free Trade Agreements

The proliferation of overlapping free trade agreements (FTA) in recent years has led to pair‐wise hub‐and‐spokes (HAS) throughout the world. Being avid subscribers to FTAs, many countries in the Asia‐Pacific region, including the United States, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand and Australia, have become trade hubs to their partners who are in turn relegated to spoke status. In this paper, we question whether being a hub is welfare optimal for a small and open economy such as Singapore compared to membership in a single bilateral FTA or a multi‐member free trade zone. Within this context, we use a computable general equilibrium model to examine the welfare implications of the triangular trade relationship of the United States, Singapore and Japan. This is facilitated by the Japan–Singapore Economic Partnership Agreement, the USA–Singapore Free Trade Agreement, and a hypothetical USA–Japan Economic Partnership Agreement. The analysis is extended to incorporate ‘super‐hub’ effects, that is, the spoke countries could be trade hubs in other HAS systems. Our experiment reveals that hub status generates positive welfare gain and is the highest Singapore can get from the trade configurations considered. Meanwhile, Japan loses more than the USA when both are relegated to spoke status. These findings prove to be robust under different market structures and production technologies, deeper economic integration, ‘super‐hub’ effects, as well as uncertainty in the key model parameters and the extent of trade liberalisation shocks.     

Determinants of Trade Costs and Trade Growth Accounting between India and the European Union during 1995–2010

This study aimed to utilise the micro‐founded measure of trade cost derived by Novy to estimate the relative bilateral trade costs of India with its European Union partners. The advantage of using such a model is that the trade costs can be derived entirely using observable trade data. The results show that Indian tariff equivalent with its major EU trading partners has declined by 20 percentage points between 1995 and 2010, with Malta and Latvia experiencing the greatest decline. The study then decomposes the bilateral trade growth to ascertain whether it is an outcome of increased domestic production or reduction in bilateral and multilateral trade barriers. Novy's model indicates that the decline in relative bilateral trade costs explains the greatest percentage of this trade growth, which is partially offset by decline in multilateral resistance terms that has diverted trade away to other trading partners primarily in South and South‐East Asia and North America.     

Are bilateral and multilateral aid‐for‐trade complementary?

Using the first comprehensive estimates of ad valorem tariff equivalent bilateral trade costs spanning the time period 2002–10, we examine whether the aid‐for‐trade (AFT) inflows reduce bilateral trade costs facing aid recipients. If so, we ask whether the trade costs reduction effects of AFT from bilateral and multilateral sources are complementary. By showing the extent to which the observed trade cost reduction effects of AFT from bilateral (multilateral) sources correlate with the magnitudes of AFT disbursements from multilateral (bilateral) sources, we present plausible explanation for the cross‐country variations in the extent to which AFT promotes trade flows. Our findings have, thus, important policy implications for shaping future discourses on the coordination of disbursements for enhancing the effectiveness of AFT.     

亚太经合组织方式面临的挑战及发展前景分析

作为全球最大的区域性经济合作组织,亚太经合组织(APEC)满足了亚太各成员体加强合作的要求,在许多领域取得了令人瞩目的进展,发挥了重大的历史作用。然而,它毕竟不是一种成熟的经济一体化模式,许多方面正面临着严峻的挑战。未来,APEC可能会沿着不同的方向发展,或发展成一个由松散到紧密关系的经济合作组织,或走向亚太自由贸易区,亦或以“探路者”方式推进APEC贸易投资自由化。在APEC的发展中,中国作为一个发展中大国,应发挥积极的作用。     

Transparency in non‐tariff measures: An international comparison

We construct an index of non‐tariff measures (NTM ) transparency based on notifications to the WTO under the sanitary and phytosanitary and technical barriers to trade agreements, the existence of a trade portal giving ready access to trade‐relevant regulations, the existence of NTM data collected under the MAST classification, and the results of an experiment conducted between 2015 and 2016 where we asked for specific regulations concerning the import of a particular product on behalf of a private company. The resulting country ranking shows that OECD countries are, by and large, the most transparent, but also shows that ASEAN countries score well compared to other developing countries.     

Trade Liberalisation and Economic Performance: Theory and Evidence for Developing Countries

The last five decades have witnessed a profound evolution of economic policy in developing countries, particularly in the case of trade strategies. Both internal, as well as external, factors have prompted the need for more outward‐oriented (or liberalised) trade policy regimes. The creation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1947 and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1995 have been important driving forces for free trade. Since then, the major quantitative barriers to trade, i.e. tariffs and non‐tariff barriers (quotas, licences and technical specifications, among other restrictions), have substantially been reduced or dismantled. Also, the progress towards more liberalised trade regimes, mainly in developing countries, has been manifested in the trade and development literature. Major studies suggest that the performance of more outward‐oriented economies is superior to that of those countries pursuing more inward‐looking trade practices (Greenaway and Nam, 1988; Dollar, 1992; Sachs and Warner, 1995; and Rodríguez and Rodrik, 2000). Recent developments in the international trade literature focus on the potential dynamic effects of trade liberalisation, i.e. simplification of tariff structures and elimination of non‐tariff barriers, in reducing the incentives to rent seeking and in accelerating the flow of technical knowledge from the world market. Moreover, there have been important advances regarding the study of trade liberalisation and its impact on exports, imports and the balance of payments, largely neglected in the literature, often driven by supply‐side considerations.     

Does trade globalization induce or inhibit corporate transparency? Unbundling the growth potential and product market competition channels

Trade globalization may affect corporate transparency via multiple channels, with potentially opposite signs. We aim to empirically disentangle these channels by tracking evolution of corporate transparency for 4061 listed firms in tradable sectors in 49 countries during 1992–2005. By using detailed tariff schedules, we measure changes in growth opportunities and product market competition enabled by foreign and domestic trade liberalizations, respectively. On the one hand, higher growth opportunities engendered by foreign trade reforms are disproportionately associated with better corporate transparency in industries that depend more heavily on external financing. On the other hand, greater product market competition engendered by domestic tariff reductions has no significant impact on corporate transparency.     

Trade-diverting free trade agreements,external tariffs,and feasibility

There has been a proliferation of preferential trade agreements within the last two decades. This paper analyzes the effects of free trade agreements (FTAs) on external tariffs in small economies where protection decisions are made politically. Our model determines tariff rates endogenously instead of assuming they are fixed during or after the formation of FTAs as commonly done in the literature. We show that when an FTA is established, the tariff rates that apply to non-members essentially decline. More importantly, we investigate the interaction between endogenous tariff determination and the feasibility of an FTA. We find that the expectation of tariff reductions under endogenous tariffs could make an otherwise feasible FTA if tariffs were fixed become infeasible. However, if domestic import-competing sectors are relatively smaller and the government places a significant weight on political contributions relative to social welfare, an FTA with endogenous tariffs may be more likely to be feasible than an FTA assumed to fix external tariffs.     

Market access implications of non‐tariff measures: Estimates for four developed country markets

We quantify the effects of non‐tariff measures on the extensive margin of trade, examining the number of countries exporting particular products to Canada, the European Union, New Zealand and the United States. We find that non‐tariff measures that impose a conformity requirement, that is, testing, certification or inspection, will reduce the number of countries exporting to these markets. Conformity requirements imposed for sanitary or phytosanitary reasons have the largest effect in Canada, reducing the number of exporting countries by 47% compared to the situation where no compliance requirement is imposed. Conformity requirements imposed for other reasons covered by the WTO Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade have the largest effect in Canada and New Zealand, reducing the number of exporting countries by 27% compared to the situation where no compliance requirement is imposed. However, we generally find a statistically significant positive effect for nontariff measures that do not impose a compliance burden, suggesting that such measures may facilitate trade.     

Can the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership minimise the harm from the United States–China trade war?

Using ex post tariff schedules for the first time, it was found that the global gains provided by the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) are not enough to overcome the negative impacts of the United States–China trade dispute. While trade tensions cause China's welfare loss to be more than twice as large as the United States, they provide some trade diversion to RCEP members. But of concern is if India successfully delays the conclusion of the RCEP even by a year, there will be a global loss of US$17.7 billion. The RCEP is also beneficial for the emerging economy of Vietnam and the high‐tariff‐imposing Korean economy. The results obtained here are, however, conservative as reduction in non‐tariff barriers and other positive spillover effects of trade liberalisation related to investment and productivity improvements due to competition or increased intra‐industry trade could not be accounted for.