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1.
本文选取2006年至2007年深沪两市A股市场高管持有公司流通股票的29家房地产上市公司做为研究样本,对其绩效进行了实证分析,结果发现:房地产上市公司高管持股比例与公司绩效存在显著的正相关关系,高管持股的公司绩效与高管零持股的公司绩效之间存在显著差异,并且高管持股公司的绩效明显优于高管零持股的公司,股票激励在一定程度上对高管有激励作用。  相似文献   

2.
近年来,信息技术业作为知识密集型行业,高管报酬受到普遍关注.本文选取2008年沪深两市的信息技术业上市公司为样本,在对国内外文献进行回顾的基础上,先对高管报酬激励现状进行了描述性统计;然后,运用线性回归模型,对高管报酬激励与公司绩效的相关关系进行检验,发现信息枝术业高管年度报酬与ROE显著正相关,高管持股与ROE和IROS显著正相关.此外,不同规模、不同区域高管报酬激励与公司绩效的相关性也不同.  相似文献   

3.
以我国A股市场2008年至2011年上市公司年度数据作为研究样本,对我国上市公司的高管薪酬激励和企业业绩的关系进行实证研究,研究发现:我国上市公司高管薪酬与公司业绩呈显著正相关关系;高管股权激励与公司业绩呈显著的负相关关系。表明我国上市公司高管薪酬激励方式并没得到充分的应用,高管股权激励机制有待加强。  相似文献   

4.
近年来,信息技术业作为知识密集型行业,高管报酬受到普遍关注。本文选取2008年沪深两市的信息技术业上市公司为样本,在对国内外文献进行回顾的基础上,先对高管报酬激励现状进行了描述性统计;然后,运用线性回归模型,对高管报酬激励与公司绩效的相关关系进行检验,发现信息技术业高管年度报酬与ROE显著正相关,高管持股与ROE和IROS显著正相关。此外,不同规模、不同区域高管报酬激励与公司绩效的相关性也不同。  相似文献   

5.
本文基于企业高管激励视角,以我国2010-2021年沪深A股上市公司的数据为样本,考察创新投入对企业绩效的影响,并探讨了高管激励对企业创新的调节作用,其中,高管激励细分为高管薪酬激励以及高管股权激励。研究结果表明,创新投入对企业绩效具有显著正向影响;高管激励在创新投入与企业绩效之间起到显著的正向调节作用,即在高管薪酬激励和股权激励较高的情况下,企业的创新投入对企业绩效的影响更为显著。  相似文献   

6.
本文以中国上市公司2004—2007年高管薪酬的相关数据,对高管薪酬激励与企业绩效的关系探讨高管的机会主义行为。研究表明:非国有控股企业高管薪酬与公司账面盈利、账面现金流和股东市场价值均有显著的正相关关系。高管薪酬在国有控股企业中却只表现出了与代表账面盈利的净资产收益率指标有显著的正相关关系,而与代表现金绩效的资产收现率及代表股东财富的股票收益率没有显著的正相关关系。对比国有控股企业,非国有控股企业的高管薪酬水平显著提高,而且其企业的高管所掌握的控制权越大,高管自身的薪酬越高。高薪管理层薪酬水平与管理费用率显著正相关,而低薪管理层则与管理费用率没有显著相关关系,说明高薪不仅不能降低代理成本,反而提高了代理成本  相似文献   

7.
为了探究西部企业高管股权激励与企业绩效的关系以及股权结构对两者之间相关关系的影响作用,本文选取2018年—2022年西部地区12个省份A股上市公司作为样本进行实证研究。研究结果表明,高管股权激励与企业绩效显著正相关,股权集中度对股权激励与企业绩效的关系具有显著的负向调节作用,股权制衡度则具有正向调节作用。研究结果为企业优化股权结构、完善公司治理机制提供了一定的理论与实证依据。  相似文献   

8.
本文对中小企业板上市公司高管激励的效果进行了实证研究。结果表明:高管薪酬和持股比例与公司业绩显著正相关,中小企业板上市公司的高管激励机制总体而言是有效的。  相似文献   

9.
本文以2007-2011年在沪深两市A股的制造业上市公司技术创新投入数据为研究样本,分析了高管薪酬激励和高管持股比例与企业技术创新投入之间的关系。结果表明:高管薪酬激励与企业技术创新投入之间显著正相关,但这种正向的相关性仅存在于民营上市公司中;高管持股与企业技术创新投入之间呈显著的倒"U"型曲线关系,在科技类上市公司中,二者之间也呈现显著的倒"U"型曲线关系,而在非科技类上市公司中,不存在类似的关系。  相似文献   

10.
以我国2009-2013年沪深A股上市公司为样本,实证检验了在不同产权性质下,政治关联对高管薪酬粘性的影响。研究发现,政治关联与高管薪酬粘性正相关,有政治关联会使企业高管拥有更高的薪酬粘性。进一步研究发现,在民营企业中政治关联对高管薪酬粘性的影响显著大于国有企业,在地方政府控股企业中政治关联对高管薪酬粘性的影响显著大于中央政府控股企业。  相似文献   

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12.
A bstract Four different state political ideology measures are estimated and evaluated on the basis of their reliability and consisteny. The state political ideology measure accounting for constituency economic interest, legislator shirking , and political party loyalty is found to be the one with the most predictive power. Using this preferred ideology measure states were classified according to their political ideology along a conservative-liberal continuum. The state rankings showed there are distinct regional differences in ideology. The Northeast and Pacific regions are very liberal, the South and Mountain regions are very conservative, and the Midwest region is relatively moderate. States in the Mountain region are found to be the most ideologically homogeneous, while the more heavily populated states tend to be more liberal. In addition, the United States citizens are found to have a moderately conservative political philosophy . Finally, the results suggest that a Democratic candidate would need to win Illinois, California, and Ohio plus all the liberal states to become President of the United States. The 1996 presidential note sustains the analysis herein.  相似文献   

13.
Economists who have proposed government regulation to solve 'market failure' are guilty of short-sightedness, since regulations are captured by interest groups to maintain monopoly and exclude competition, Catherine Blight (right), a Scottish economist and lawyer, examines the effectiveness of free markets and dynamic legal systems to break down monopolies, and calls for a policy of anti-regulation.  相似文献   

14.
法律与政治的密不可分、司法机构的政治属性及司法职业自身的政治因素决定了政治素质是法官素质的重要内容。法官政治素质包括保持司法独立、以人民利益为重、保持司法克制、区分政治问题和法律问题以及约束自身政治活动等内容。培养与提高法官政治素质,应当从法官选任重视政治素质标准、继续教育注重政治素质培养和完善职业保障机制等方面入手。  相似文献   

15.
Why are political rallies free to attend? Fundraising is a central campaign activity and a perennial correlate of political victory. We argue that politicians set a zero price for rallies in order to reap a non‐pecuniary benefit: political support. An ‘allocation by waiting’ scheme selects those attendees with a lower opportunity cost of time relative to a standard ‘allocation by price’ scheme. Transactions costs mitigate Coasean bargaining by removing the secondary market, thereby altering the composition of the average rally crowd. This mechanism allows politicians to facilitate exchange with ‘general interests’: citizens who do not engage in rent seeking due to collective action costs but still stand to gain from redistributive policies.  相似文献   

16.
New Political Economy   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Alberto Alesina and Nouriel Roubini with Gerald D. Cohen, Political Cycles and the Macroeconomy
Avinash K. Dixit, The Making of Economic Policy: A Transaction-Cost Politics Perspective.
Gordon Pepper, Inside Thatcher's Monetarist Revolution  相似文献   

17.
18.
A bstract Analysis of the bases of political party choice in the United States reveals that social structural factors are more important than economic factors in determining patterns of partisanship. Among economic factors, moreover, differentiation in the realms of credit and consumption is more important than differences in relation to economic production. The absence of traditional class-conflict politics, however, does not lead to a state of political consensus, because new modes of economic differentiation have emerged, cleavages based on earlier economic cleavages have persisted after the basic economic issues have been resolved, and non-economic cleavages, particularly along racial lines, still await resolution.  相似文献   

19.
20.
Monetary policy has not failed, argues Professor David Laidler, British economist now at the University of Western Ontario. The failure has been in not organising a political constituency opposed to inflation by persistent education of public opinion. This is a task for an alliance of Chicago neo-classical economics, Austrian 'anarcho-capitalism', and Virginia public choice. *  相似文献   

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