Possibilities for remote participation in trade unions: mobilising women activists

This paper argues that trade union activism within the new era of information and communication technologies (ICTs) offers the potential for unions to become more inclusive of under‐represented groups. Traditional conceptions of activism, participation and democracy within trade unions require physical presence at meetings at times and in spaces incompatible with caring responsibilities and atypical hours of work. This restricts the participation of women and other ‘atypical’ workers in trade unions. The paper explores the complexities of electronic forms of union activism in practice, indicating that while some positive features are experienced, there are also a range of obstacles, barriers and possible negative consequences.     

Collective bargaining towards mutual flexibility and security goals in large internationalised companies—why do institutions (still) matter?

This paper examines the potential of collective bargaining to generate mutually advantageous flexibility and security outcomes at firm level. By focusing attention on actors' negotiating capacity at sites in Denmark and Italy of four large chemical-pharmaceutical companies, it provides a nuanced, comparative explanation. The findings demonstrate that, across countries, differences in actors' capacity and negotiated outcomes are attributable to the stability and depth of collective bargaining institutions. Within country differences are accounted for by the organisational resources (internal democracy, external links and pro-activity) of local trade unions, which condition their capacity to induce management to negotiate outcomes which benefit both parties.     

How Political Actors Co-Construct CSR and its Effect on Firms' Political Access: A Discursive Institutionalist View

This paper explores how corporate social responsibility (CSR) can incentivize political actors to increase firms' political access. Taking a discursive institutional perspective, I argue that the types of access negotiated depend on how political actors co-construct the multiplicity of CSR meanings. To study this process, I focus on the empirical case of the European Union (EU), offering a novel analysis of event observations, policy documents, and interviews with Commission officials, Euro-parliamentarians, and other stakeholders. I find that the value of CSR is highly contested in the EU political arena. I then elucidate four discursive strategies through which political actors interactively refined, reframed, and reinterpreted the meaning of CSR and its relevance for firm access in ways beneficial to their perceived interests. The findings highlight the importance for nonmarket strategy studies to conceptualize CSR as a co-constructed idea and access as negotiated, putting the micro-dynamic relationship between firms and political actors centre stage.     

Law commentary: Three faces of democracy and three missing persons: the Trade Union Act 1984

The Conservative government described the 1984 Trade Union Act as a piece of legislation to ‘give the unions back to their members'. This article examines the concept of democracy present in the Act and analyses its implications for trade unions and industrial relations.     

Democracy from the inside: the British AUEW(ES) and the Australian AMWSU

Democracy within trade unions has been the subject of considerable academic and practical discussion. This article compares the experience of two unions, one British and one Australian. It reveals that the focal point of discussion in both has been the extent of the relationship between the election of officials and union democracy and the relative merits of election by postal ballot and ballots at branch meetings.     

The rise and fall of social partnership in postsocialist Europe: the Commonwealth of Independent States

Traditional trade unions throughout the postsocialist world embraced ‘social partnership’ as a means to secure their institutional survival in a radically changed economic and political environment. The commitment of national governments to social partnership ebbed and flowed through the 1990s, but it was confirmed, at least rhetorically, in Central and Eastern Europe by the prospect and requirements of accession to the European Union. This article explores the fate of social partnership in the ‘other half’ of Europe, the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States, where social dialogue has largely been abandoned and trade unions alternatively marginalised or subordinated to the state apparatus.     

White-collar workers,unionisation and political behaviour

Evidence from a variety of sources confirms that the number of non-manual employees in trade unions has been increasing rapidly over the past twenty years. The author surveys the explanations of this growth and examines the relationship between political behaviour and membership of white collar trade unions.     

Moving the status quo: the growth of trade union political funds[1]

In the compulsory review ballots on trade union political funds all 38 unions voted overwhelmingly for their retention. Since then 17 unions have adopted a political fund for the first time. This article analyses the reasons for this and examines the position of trade unions which have decided against balloting.     

Labour-management partnership in the non-union retail sector

Analysts and policy advocates have argued that a meaningful labour-management partnership can be established in the absence of trade unions. In this paper we have examined employee outcomes of partnership in a medium-sized non-union retail firm, regarded as one of the ‘best practice’ cases of non-union partnership by the Involvement and Participation Association (IPA) of the UK. We have also compared the employee outcomes from our case study firm with those from a representative sample of retail sector workers from unionized and non-union retail firms in the UK. Findings indicate that compared to employees in other retail-sector firms, workers in the ‘best practice’ partnership firm were significantly disadvantaged with respect to their influence over workplace and policy decisions with little evidence of ‘mutual gains’ as claimed by partnership advocates.     

Playing on Two Chessboards: Reputation Effects between Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Political Activity (CPA)

It has recently been argued that corporate social responsibility (CSR) is ‘political’. It has been neglected however, that firms also operate politically in a traditional sense, in seeking to secure favourable political conditions for their businesses. We argue that there are potential synergies between CSR and corporate political activity (CPA) that are often overlooked by firms and that recognition of these synergies will stimulate firms to align their CSR and CPA. We develop a conceptual model that specifies how various configurations of a firm's CSR and CPA – alignment, misalignment, and non‐alignment – affect the firm's reputation beyond the separate reputation effects of CSR and CPA. This model has important implications for understanding how and why firms should pay attention to their CPA and CSR configurations, and thereby contributes to the broader issue of why firms should make sure that they are consistent in terms of responding to stakeholder concerns.     

The Ghent effect for whom? Mapping the variations of the Ghent effect across different trade unions in Denmark

The presence of an unemployment insurance system based on voluntary membership in unemployment insurance funds (known as the ‘Ghent system’) and a high union density has long been known and well documented, and even referred to as a special ‘Ghent effect’. However the Ghent system, especially in the three classic Ghent countries, Finland, Sweden and Denmark, has come under significant pressure in recent years, and many researchers are referring to an erosion of the Ghent system as a recruiting mechanism for trade unions. But prior research aimed at documenting the Ghent effect seems to disregard variations in how strongly trade unions benefit from the Ghent system as a recruiting mechanism. Hence, this article sets out to investigate whether all trade unions equally benefit from a Ghent effect across different sectors and occupations by studying the Danish case. Unique survey data made it possible to map Danish wage earners' reasons for joining or leaving unemployment insurance funds and trade unions. The article finds that there are great variations among Danish trade unions in terms of how strongly they are dependent on a Ghent effect as a recruiting mechanism. We may expect the same variations in the two other Ghent countries, Sweden and Finland, because the organisation of the Ghent system is similar in the three Nordic countries. In addition, the article shows that this variation might help explain why some trade unions are on the rise to the detriment of others.     

Trade union membership trends in seven Western European countries 1950—1968

Post-War trade union membership developments have received relatively little academic attention, in view of the importance attributed to trades union organization in the collective bargaining system, in the social, political and economic fields, in the relationships between organized labour and governments and, in particular, in the efforts to devise institutional arrangements suitable for dealing with wage-price inflation. Union membership levels, the effective power of central federations and some of their individual affiliates, shifts in membership and the often concomitant changes in the political status of a union or unions and the degree of organization of a nation's labour force—are all important aspects of the potential role of trade union movements within the socio-economic and political life of a nation. The objects of this paper are to examine membership levels and changes, density of organization, membership concentration and the membership experiences of the six largest unions within the trades union movements of Austria, Denmark, Germany (Federal Republic), Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom over the postwar period.     

Corporate social responsibility,durable‐goods and firm profitability

Utilizing a two‐period durable‐goods framework, we show that in uncommitted sales markets a firm may earn higher profits as it increases its level of corporate social responsibility (CSR). We find that this occurs even though CSR has no direct impact other than increasing the durable‐goods firm's manufacturing costs. We show that in sales markets, CSR may allow the firm to credibly commit itself to lower production in the future. This, in turn, can enhance their profits even though the CSR activities are costly and provide no direct demand or marketing benefit in our model. This is important because it provides another, hereto unexplored, strategic rationale for the willingness of profit‐maximizing firms to undertake costly CSR activities. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Recognising the lesbian and gay constituency in UK trade unions: moving forward in UNISON?

Recent research on trade union democracy has drawn attention to the heterogeneity of union membership and the social processes within unions which can lead to the inclusion or exclusion of specific constituencies within union structures. This article draws on a case study of lesbian and gay self organisation in UNISON to illustrate the value of developing democratic structures to reflect this constituency and improve trade union representation and participation.     

Institutional Reform to Tame Union Power

How far has the success of trade unions in obtaining political and economic privilege been attenuated by the laws passed by the Conservative Government? Charles Rowley, Acting Dean of the Graduate School and Professor of Economics at George Mason University, Virginia, assesses the effectiveness of the legislation and considers how much further reform will have to be carried to return the control of unions to their members.     

浅谈新形势下如何开展职工思想政治工作

随着油田企业改革的深入开展,职工的思想状况随这呈现出多元化和复杂化,通过加强有力的思想政治工作渗透到职工的工作、学习和生活中,强化人本理念,才能不断提高企业核心竞争力,拓宽企业生存和发展空间。     

How Corporate Social Responsibility Engagement Strategy Moderates the CSR–Financial Performance Relationship

We propose that firm profits are shaped by how firms engage in corporate social responsibility. Recent research on the corporate social responsibility (CSR)–corporate financial performance (CFP) relationship proposes a variety of contextual and organizational factors to create a more robust link. However, few of these studies explore the role of the CSR engagement strategy. Drawing on absorptive capacity theory and related perspectives such as time compression diseconomies, asset mass efficiencies, and path dependence theory, we argue that when a firm engages in CSR slowly and consistently, focuses on related CSR dimensions, and starts with internal dimensions of CSR, CFP will be enhanced. With longitudinal data collected from 130 firms from 1995 to 2007, we find that firms benefit more when they adopt a CSR engagement strategy that is consistent, involves related dimensions of CSR, and begins with aspects of CSR that are more internal to the firm. The pace of the CSR engagement strategy, however, does not moderate the CSR–CFP relationship. This study helps fill the gap in CSR research by showing that, regardless of contextual factors, a firm can choose the proper strategy to enhance the financial benefits of the CSR engagement.     

Buckingham's Fight for Independence

Professor Alan Peacock examines the barriers to entry erected against innovators in the university market by lecturer trade unions,'disinterested' government officials and other groups The University of Buckingham reveals how, despite hostile political conditions, exposure to the market-place improves academic standards and administrative efficiency     

Real effects of social trust on firm performance during COVID-19

This study uses a difference-in-differences estimation method to address potential endogeneity between corporate social responsibility (CSR) and firm performance using a natural experiment of COVID-19, with a cross-country sample of 80,454 firm-quarter observations across 51 countries. We find that high-CSR firms show better performance, raise more debt, and invest more during COVID-19. The positive effect of CSR on firm performance is more pronounced in countries with better governance and among non- International Financial Reporting Standards adopters. Our findings suggest that when trust in firms and markets falls during an economic crisis, the trust established between a firm and its stakeholders via socially responsible behavior pays off.     

Representation at Suncorp – what do the employees want?

It is apparent from existing research that little is known about the effectiveness of non‐union employee representation (NER) voice arrangements in Australian firms. This article examines both the non‐union Suncorp‐Metway Employee Council (SMEC) and union voice arrangements at an Australian financial services firm, Suncorp, and assesses their effectiveness in representing the needs of employees. This study is unique because it is one of the few examples of dual representation channels at a single firm. Overall the findings suggest that the effectiveness of union and NER arrangements is dependent on the union and NER voice channels being perceived by the workforce as both representative and able to act effectively or independently. However, while trade unions may provide greater voice than non‐union arrangements, the strength of voice is dependent on the legitimacy and effectiveness of trade unions in representing employees' interests at the workplace. The findings also suggest that the marginalisation strategy used by the union in excluding SMEC from its industrial campaigns, coupled with employees' perception of a lack of effective union voice, could impact negatively on the influence that unions may have on management decision‐making. This could also be perceived by employees as an inappropriate response by the union to management substitution strategies. As a consequence, any changes to industrial relations policy or trade union strategies regarding NER should be considered in the light of these findings.