九一一事件及其对国际关系学科的影响

尽管九一一事件代表了一场始于战争技术和认同政治的革命,但是未能相应地在理解和调解的艺术之间引起一场革命。为了缩小对于后九一一世界进行理解的愿望与能力之间的巨大差距,国际关系学者需要发展一种成熟的虚拟理论,进而深入挖掘后现代主义和建构主义的学科意义。以当前美国国家安全话语体系作为批判性解读的对象,通过仔细剖析美国对外政策和军事政策的自相矛盾和神化色彩,作者呼吁国际关系学者对一个飞速发展的现实世界做出迅速且有效的审视。     

试论国际恐怖主义概念、特征和根源

“9·11”美国发生一系列恐怖袭击事件后,绝大多数国家纷纷表示,恐怖主义是当前的一个突出问题,而且已对世界和平与安全构成了严重威胁。但国内外对什么是恐怖主义,特别是国际恐怖主义,说法多样,莫衷一是。因此,对于什么是恐怖主义,急待统一认识。作者就恐怖主义定义进行了溯源,介绍了目前有关恐怖主义的定义和盛行的看法,比如:认为“恐怖主义是弱者反抗强权的武器”,“恐怖主义是反西方强权的战争”,“有些国家在推行恐怖主义双重标准”。作者认为,认识恐怖主义是为了消灭恐怖主义。反对恐怖主义是一场长期而艰巨的斗争,只有进行广泛的国际合作,才能有效地打击恐怖主义。反对恐怖活动任重道远,国际反恐怖主义,中国要有所为。     

"9·11"后国际恐怖主义的新特征、新趋势

"9·11"事件发生后,国际恐怖主义受到国际社会围剿。但是,美国反恐战争中的失误导致了反美主义和圣战恐怖主义的扩散,使"9·11"后国际恐怖主义呈现新的特征:"基地"意识形态化、圣战全球化、组织形态的网络化分散化、成员的年轻化、目标对象的泛化和软化,以及追求恐怖效应最大化。国际恐怖主义将成为国际社会长期严峻的挑战。动用大规模杀伤性武器的危险不断增长。不同类型的恐怖主义组织趋于联合。     

"9·11"后国际恐怖主义的新待征、新趋势

"9·11"事件发生后,国际恐怖主义受到国际社会围剿.但是,美国反恐战争中的失误导致了反美主义和圣战恐怖主义的扩散,使"9·11"后国际恐怖主义呈现新的特征:"基地"意识形态化、圣战全球化、组织形态的网络化分散化、成员的年轻化、目标对象的泛化和软化,以及追求恐怖效应最大化.国际恐怖主义将成为国际社会长期严峻的挑战.动用大规模杀伤性武器的危险不断增长.不同类型的恐怖主义组织趋于联合.     

国际反恐怖合作得到加强

打击国际恐怖主义犯罪活动的地区性代表会议在哈萨克斯坦举行。在美国“9·11”事件发生之后,哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦的执法部门加强了在打击各种形式的国际犯罪活动中的合作。美国驻哈大使在2002年1月15日召开的打击国际有组织犯罪、恐怖主义、贩卖毒品、贩卖人口国际会议上表示,美国将大力支持上述三国检察机关、特工机关和边防人员的培训活动,并派遣美国联邦调查局和司法部的专家授课,进行实践培训。     

试论我国政府防范恐怖主义危机管理机制的缺失与构建——以“3·01”昆明暴力恐怖袭击事件为例

近年来我国恐怖主义活动频发,给社会造成严重的威胁,使人民财产遭受巨大损失,恐怖主义分子给全社会带来了恶劣影响。本文以"3·01"昆明暴力恐怖袭击事件为例,在我国政府防范恐怖主义危机管理机制的基础上,分析了我国当前恐怖主义的类型和恐怖主义防范现状,提出了我国政府防恐机制单一、缺乏国际合作、防恐立法不科学以及社会福利制度存在的问题。最后结合当前我国反恐现状和防恐工作中存在的问题有针对性地提出了加强国际合作、构建系统机制、完善社会福利的防恐危机管理机制构建的新路径。     

浅论建构主义视角下的恐怖主义

由于9·11事件之后，反对恐怖主义已成为国际社会的核心议题之一。文章以温特在《国际政治中的社会理论》一书中阐释的建构主义作为基本的理论框架，来探讨这个主题。认为恐怖主义作为一种文化事件是文化构建的结果。由于可能会构建出反人类文明的共同文化，恐怖主义具有巨大的危害。我们必须构建公正的国际秩序，以合作、对话、平等协商的方式来消除恐怖主义。     

近年来中国关于国际政治若干问题研究综述(上)

一　关于恐怖主义问题　　冷战结束以后,恐怖主义活动愈演愈烈,已成为国际社会一大公害。国外对恐怖主义的研究早就开始,并取得了丰硕的成果。从2 0世纪80年代起,恐怖主义开始受到国内学术界的关注,“9·11”事件后成为国内学术研究的一个热点。我国学者在借鉴国外学术界研究成果的基础上,从不同的层次和角度对恐怖主义的定义、根源、类型、特点以及国际反恐对策与合作等方面进行了深入细致的研究,出现了一大批论文和专著,提出了很多深刻的见解,深化了对恐怖主义的认识。(一)恐怖主义定义的共识与争议恐怖主义的定义是研究恐怖主义的逻辑起…     

中国面临的恐怖威胁和反恐立场

长期以来,由于社会制度和国情不同,中国诱发恐怖活动的因素相对较少,国际恐怖主义对中国的影响和冲击较小。但美国9·11恐怖袭击事件也给中国再次敲响了警钟:中国绝非远离恐怖主义的“安全岛”,中国在对付恐怖主义问题上切不可掉以轻心。翻开世界地图,人们不难发现中国与国际恐     

伊拉克“战争动员”:对美国总统话语的一种分析

国际政治经常以战争的形式表现出来,但在更多的场合它则是与唇枪舌剑有关。事实上,在国际关系中,语言是至关重要的,它经常处于政治分析中的显著地位,并对实际的政治进程及其结果构成影响。作者关注九一一事件后美国政府如何利用一系列政治话语,为发动伊拉克战争而铺平道路,并选择美国总统布什的“战争动员”话语,对其进行必要的社会/文化分析。文章提出一种研究假设,即布什把政治语言作为对伊拉克政策的一项战略工具,通过把萨达姆政权叙述为一个迫在眉睫的“敌人”,将它“邪恶化”和“罪孽化”,使美国政府在采取“更迭”一个主权国家政权的行动方面具有“合法性”和“正当性”。     

Introduction: Advances in the Study of the Economics of Terrorism

Although the study of the economics of terrorism dates back to 1978, work on this topic was sporadic until 2001. Since the four hijackings on September 11, 2001, there have been many contributions both theoretical and empirical in this area of study. The purpose of this article is twofold: (i) to orient the reader to this area of study, and (ii) to introduce the five articles of this special symposium. These articles address diverse aspects of the economics of terrorism including the demise of terrorist groups, natural disasters and terrorism, cost of living and terrorism, terrorism and stock‐bond returns, and terrorism and piracy.     

US Foreign policy in the war against terrorism: Challenges,prospects, and ROK's desirable options

Despite the September 11 incident, the US should consider investing more resources in Northeast Asia and Europe rather than focusing all its energy on the terrorists. While consolidating its existing grand strategy of promoting democracy and the market economy, the US may need to draw more support from its major allies to be better prepared against the multi‐spectrum conflicts. As for South Korean options, it is desirable to level up its support for America's war in Afghanistan and also for the long‐term fight against terrorism. In addition, the ROK‐US readiness against potential North Korean terrorism and asymmetric threat should be improved through closer bilateral consultation and coordination.     

试议布什主义的兴衰

布什主义是美国学者和媒体习惯性地对现任美国总统布什的治国方略的概括，它是随着9·11事件的爆发、美国开始直面恐怖主义而瓜熟蒂落的。布什主义以单边主义和先发制人为核心思想，其在转化为美国现实的外交政策的过程中对大国关系和国际政治经济的走势产生了巨大影响，而关国深陷伊战泥潭、国际恐怖主义不灭反猖的残酷现实证明目前的布什主义已经走到了几近名存实亡的境地。面对国内外的巨大压力，布什政府不得不对自己的外交政策作出了些许调整，可以想见布什主义的最终命运不容乐观。     

杭州市“十一五”经济潜在增长率研究

资本、劳动力、技术进步是经济增长的三个主要因素。在进行宏观经济增长目标制定和调控过程中,对潜在经济增长率的测算十分有意义。文章根据杭州市经济统计数据和国内外经济环境,运用柯布—道格拉斯生产函数测算出杭州"十一五"期间的潜在经济增长率。     

Impact of Terrorism on Cross-Border Mergers and Acquisitions (M&As): Prevalence,Frequency and Intensity

This paper contributes to the literature on the impact of terrorism on international business by focusing on the specific case of cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&As) using bilateral data for 59 countries over the period 2000–2011. We are interested in the following set of questions: (a) the impact of source and host country terrorism on bilateral M&A flows using various measures of terrorism (i.e. prevalence, frequency and intensity); (b) whether terrorism affects developing countries differently; (c) whether good institutions in developing host countries can offset the negative effects of terrorism; and (d) whether terrorism incidents in a particular economy has negative spillovers to its neighbors. To preview the main conclusions, we find that an augmented gravity model fits the data well. While the occurrence of terrorism in either the host or source does not appear to have any impact on bilateral M&A, the frequency and intensity of terrorist attacks significantly deter M&A flows, especially in the latter. We also find that good institutions negate the impact of terrorist attacks in the developing host country. There is also some evidence that regional spillovers reduce M&As in the host country.     

Economic impact of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001

Conclusion The economic impact of the September 11 terrorist attacks on the world economy is just beginning to be felt. U. S. GDP is roughly 30 percent of the world's GDP, so a recession in the U. S. will have ripple effects worldwide. Yet, the country's financial infrastructure is sound and remains intact. Eventually, the blow to the economy through weakened consumer confidence, unprecedented cuts in the Federal funds rate, rising unemployment levels, fears of deflation, and low world growth will be overcome. The market will recover and people will go forward with a renewed sense of purpose. As economists from countries around the globe, it is our challenge to lead the way by fostering international relations in the field of economics. We need to search for new ideas and new concepts with our world community of scholars. Let us rise to the challenges of today and tomorrow in this fast-changing economic, political, social, and legal environment that we find ourselves in.     

The United Nations and low politics: Environmental & human security in East Asia*

In a world order characterized by ideological conflicts, low politics’ usually goes by the wayside. Policymakers focus on ‘high politics’ such as issues on state security, diplomacy and warfare. The September 11^th attack was an epitome of terrorism that calls for not only the protection of territorial and political security of the state but also the safeguarding of the individual or group from all threats to human survival. This paper raises the issues on ‘environmental security’ and ‘human security,’ particularly in the context of East Asia and reviews the efforts of the United Nations to safeguard the global environment and human rights. Finally, this paper reflects on the future role of the United Nations in non‐traditional security arenas with special emphasis on its role in East Asia.     

Terrorism and its Determinants in the Sub‐Saharan Africa Region: Some New Insights

Terrorism is undesirable as it adversely affects the economic development of countries. This study explores the determinants of terrorism in 29 countries of sub‐Saharan Africa (SSA). The data is extracted from reliable sources spanning over 2005 to 2016. Econometric techniques relevant for panel data that control for unobserved heterogeneity (fixed effects) and endogeneity (generalized method of moment) are employed to estimate the specified models. The results indicated that low growth in per capita incomes along with political instability are the main driving forces responsible for terrorism. Similarly, military expenditures are influencing terrorism positively whereas corruption has impacted terrorism negatively in the SSA region. Further, the growth of both physical as well as human capital reduces terrorism. The paper suggests that the region should take appropriate steps for increasing income of the population, education and capital stock, along with ensuring political stability to eradicate terrorism from the region.     

Macroeconomic impacts and implications for business

Conclusion The human toll of September 11 is immeasurable. Obviously, there was lost human and physical capital, but the implications for the long-term GDP effects may not be significant with respect to reallocation of private sector capital to unproductive uses. In our model, we feel there will be a one time reduction of the capital stock in the private sector that does not have implications for productivity growth, but it will have a permanent effect on the level of productivity. Finally, higher government consumption and gross investment has a similar effect. It lowers the national savings rate, crowds out private investment, leads to capital shallowing, and lowers again the level of productivity rather than the growth of productivity. But still in present value terms, the attacks of September 11 have been a big hit to our well being.     

Growth,Poverty, and Inequality under Jokowi

SUMMARY

The political authority of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) was bolstered in the third quarter of 2015 by a cabinet reshuffle, his coalition's gaining a parliamentary majority, and several foreign-policy developments. Indonesia's request to rejoin OPEC, for example, after having left in 2008, seemed more about international relations than oil prices, while official visits to the Middle East and the United States allowed Jokowi to project his presidency on the international stage. He still faces resistance from within his own party, however.

Jokowi's politically bold reshuffle of economic ministers in August soon yielded a range of policy announcements. In September and October, his government introduced its first substantial set of reforms—a number of economic policy packages intended, among other things, to attract investment and stimulate domestic demand. If even half of these policies are put in place, the impact on Indonesia's economy should be tangible.

Few countries have escaped the effects of falling global commodity prices and China's growth slowdown. At 4.7%, year on year, in the third quarter Indonesia's rate of economic growth again fell short of the government's target. Slowing growth and a negative outlook have lowered market expectations and weakened the rupiah, which is also burdened by the large outstanding external debt held by corporate borrowers. Indonesia's real effective exchange rate has recently begun to depreciate, however, which may stimulate exports. Growth prospects will also improve if the substantial increase in capital and infrastructure spending allocated in the state budget is realised.

Against this backdrop, we focus on what has happened to poverty and inequality in Indonesia since Jokowi took office. The distributional impacts of the current macroeconomic climate are likely to be hardest felt by the poor. Indonesia is well known for its record on poverty reduction, but between September 2014 and March 2015 the share of the population in poverty increased, even though economic growth was close to 5.0%. Slowing growth, rising food prices, the falling real wages of farmers, and the delayed disbursement of fuel-price compensation all had an effect. Such impacts may be mitigated in the medium term by Jokowi's budget reallocations to infrastructure, if realised, and his expansion of social spending.