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1.
One of the enduring questions in history is why any group would choose to share power with another group. The granting of suffrage to American women in 1919 is one of those events in which we seek answers. I focus here on the diversity of women's economic provisioning functions, arguing that, because of that diversity, the granting of suffrage had more political benefits to the men in power and less political risks. The social provisioning status‐quo, which had been threatened by the feminist voices of the 19th century, must have seemed to be back under the control of the men in power. In order to consider economic provisioning and politics more specifically, I study the economic profile of women and the political cost/benefit thinking of male legislators in St. Louis, Missouri.  相似文献   

2.
Part I of our paper pinpoints the “political” in the new political economies: first, the distinction between political, public, and civic economies that are almost invariably confused; second, the role of power politics, force, and fraud in determining income differentials in the name of market forces. Part II pinpoints the “new” in twentieth‐century political economies: first, the emergence of a fourth factor of production in addition to labor, capital, and land, whether identified with organization, knowledge, headwork, education, brainpower, management, or information; second, the subordination of capital to this new factor; third, the formation of a new social class based on its ownership; fourth, the struggle between the owners of capital and the new class for control over decision making and for the lion's share in distribution; fifth, the reliance on government to protect and advance the interests of the new class of professionals; and sixth, the eclipse of the old class struggle between bourgeoisie and proletarians by a new class struggle between managers and managed, executives and executants, “knows” and “know‐nots.” Part III pinpoints the “loggerheads” or sources of dissension between the “human capital” and post‐capitalist variants of the new political economies: first, over whether the expertoisie constitute a new social class or a fraction of the bourgeoisie; second, over whether the new economic order constitutes an advanced stage of capitalism or the advent of a post‐capitalist society; and third, whether the “knows” exploit the “know‐nots” through their monopoly of economic and political power. Why “political,” why “new,” and why “at loggerheads”? Our essay divides into three parts our tentative answers to these questions.  相似文献   

3.
It is widely known that large business corporations have accumulated enormous political and economic power since the early 20th century. They not only create barriers to entry to small firms in the economic domain, they also pose a serious threat to democracy by dominating public discourse and occupying a wide range of public spaces. Efforts to halt or reverse the growth of corporate power have been largely ineffective, in large part because they have been entirely reactive. In order for citizens to reclaim the economy and politics, a new strategy is necessary, one that starts by analyzing the source of corporate power. The method of analysis in this article is historical, specifically the history of changes in the United States of the legal instruments of incorporation and their relationship to emerging conditions in the economy and business. In the first half of the 19th century, corporations were chartered by state governments to carry out public benefit activities, particularly infrastructure projects. These mixed corporations lost favor during the depression of the 1840s and were replaced by private for‐profit corporations that continued using the same debt financing instruments employed by states. They were also still regulated by the states that issued their charters. When corporations sought to avoid competition by creating cartels, they had difficulty maintaining discipline and discovered they needed new rights in order to gain permanent control of markets. In the 1890s, they were granted the status of “natural persons,” with the legal protections of citizens, but they also gained the right to buy other corporations, thereby solidifying their market power and making them largely autonomous from public control. Each transition was contested, but when it was completed, it seemed to the public as if corporations had always had their new powers. In order to regain the power to hold corporations accountable to the public, those old contested issues need to be brought back into public discourse, so that citizens might decide for themselves how much power corporations should have.  相似文献   

4.
The current era of global urbanization is defined by a convergence of economic and political crises requiring urgent sociological reflection on the meaning of the ‘urban' today. This article responds to the current rethinking of worldwide processes of urbanization sparked off by Brenner, and Brenner and Schmid, arguing for a renewed sociological approach to urban formations that probes beyond the economic logic of urban ‘de‐territorialization', towards the capricious life‐worlds and forms of planetary organization that define the urban. We pursue a theory of the ‘urban vortex' to capture the maelstrom of disorienting crises since 2008, and explicate the social formations implicated in the construction, materialization and practice of power and transgression in cities today. Our aim is to consider what forms of social change emerge in volatile, intense and centralized dynamics (the urban vortex), and how this might relate to arrangements of interconnectivity, particularity and variegation (the planetary). The article highlights three prominent processes of urban social formation: accumulation, stratification and hyper‐diversity—reinstating the need to theorize the centrality of the city within the formations of twenty‐first century capitalism.  相似文献   

5.
Debates in the Progressive era between supporters of the franchise system and supporters of municipal ownership provide an example of conflicting views of appropriate models of state development. The former wanted to continue the public‐private partnerships that characterized much of 19th‐century state building, while the latter maintained that this system inevitably led to corruption and exacerbated inequality, calling for a new system of publicly run programs. Mayor Samuel Jones of Toledo worked to expand municipally owned utilities and transportation. Jones argued that granting franchises for the provision of public services enabled private companies to accrue profits that belonged to the people. He actively promoted an alternative model based on his faith in the potential of government, through a program of public ownership, to exemplify a sense of community, brotherhood, and love. Yet obstruction by the city council and lack of mayoral power blocked his efforts. As a result, he attempted to secure a “strong mayor” charter that would enable him to enact his program. The voters, however, rejected the plan, fearing centralization of power and loss of popular accountability. This outcome highlights the importance of the relationship between electoral structures and functional expansion in American political development.  相似文献   

6.
以功效系数法评价咸宁市土地利用效益   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
城市土地利用效益是诸多因素综合作用的反映,以咸宁市为实证分析对象,从社会、经济和生态三个方面构建城市土地利用效益评价指标体系,利用功效系数法对咸宁市土地利用效益在时间序列上的发展趋势和相对提升幅度进行全面评价,结果表明:(1)2003-2012年间,咸宁市土地利用效益整体呈上升趋势;(2)城市土地利用综合效益的发展趋势与城市土地利用经济效益有很大的关联性;(3)调整土地利用结构,注重生态环境保护与经济发展同步协调,是提高咸宁市土地利用效益的有效途径。  相似文献   

7.
The benefits of economic integration in North America are explored by quantifying the gains that the two small open economies of the region can obtain from free trade in financial assets as a vehicle to smooth consumption. Numerical simulations of a stochastic intertemporal equilibrium model are used to estimate the effects of free financial asset trading on economic activity and welfare. The results suggest that in Mexico, where business cycles have been larger and access to world markets has been more limited, free asset trading would produce more benefits that in Canada, where the risk of business cycles is smaller.  相似文献   

8.
对我国人力资源管理发展趋势的几点研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
项鹏 《价值工程》2010,29(18):159-160
21世纪,人类进入了一个以知识为主宰的全新经济时代。在这样一个十倍速变化的时代,人力资源与知识资本优势的独特性成为企业重要的核心技能,人力资源的价值成为衡量企业整体竞争力的标志。同时人力资源管理经历着前所未有的来自全球一体化的力量如信息网络化的力量、知识与创新的力量、顾客的力量、投资者的力量、组织的速度与变革的力量等各种力量的挑战和冲击。  相似文献   

9.
张晓明  刘军 《价值工程》2009,28(10):134-137
网络化产业组织作为新经济时代的新型产业组织形态,是随着现代信息技术、计算机制造技术和电子商务、供应链管理等理论的迅速发展而兴起的一种以虚拟运作为特征的社会生产组织形式和企业组织管理模式。NK布尔模型从网络视角出发,研究网络化产业组织结构的运行机理,为我国推进产业机构升级、制定产业政策提供了理论依据。  相似文献   

10.
This paper examines the impact of Chinese State-Owned Enterprises' (SOE) corporate political capital and the administrative rank of the city where the firm is located on their ability to acquire economic resources. The study found that the stronger the political capital owned by SOEs and the higher the administrative rank of the cities in which SOEs were located, the easier it was for them to obtain more loans and subsidies. We also found that as the city administrative rank increased, the positive effect of SOEs' political capital on economic resources acquisition also increased. When SOEs were divided into commercial competitive versus specific functional enterprises, the administrative rank of the city in which the enterprise was located played a significant positive role in obtaining economic resources for commercial competitive enterprises, while the role of their political capital played a limited role. For specific functional enterprises, their own political capital played the more significant positive role. This paper expands the research scope of corporate political connections with a new perspective.  相似文献   

11.
Managing change strategically: the technical, political, and cultural keys.   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
Managing strategic change is increasingly a way of life for organizations faced with the turbulent economic, political, and cultural forces of the 1980s. To manage such change, organizations and their managers will have to confront basic questions regarding the organization's technical, political, and cultural foundations. The technical questions include: What business(es) should we be in? How should we be organized to accomplish our strategy? What kinds of people do we need, and how will they be acquired, developed, and rewarded? The political questions include: Who gets to influence the mission and strategy of the organization? How is power allocated both vertically and horizontally across the organization? Who gets promoted to what key positions? The cultural questions include: What values and beliefs are necessary to support the organization's strategy? What subcultures are desirable, and should there be an overarching corporate culture? How should the human resources system shape and mold the culture?  相似文献   

12.
Existing scholarship suggests that local transformation in reform‐era China has been a process of decentralization of state power driving extractive local governments to pursue economic growth through rapacious land appropriation and producing many miserable landless villagers. This study puts forward an alternative perspective by arguing that local governance reforms in China to advance urban development should also be interpreted as a process of state building, whereby local government reshaped its governance strategy so as to mitigate potential social unrest and strengthen its political legitimacy in governing rapidly urbanizing areas. Based on intensive fieldwork in a periurban district in southern China, this research examines how the local state has heightened its control over urbanizing villages through its day‐to‐day governance practices and the pursuit of a complex policy agenda comprising social welfare provision, shareholding reforms and intervention in grassroots politics. The findings of this study shed new light on understanding local state transformation in periurban China and on explaining why the country still maintains tremendous urban growth despite incessant land disputes and numerous social tensions at different localities.  相似文献   

13.
赵晶岩 《价值工程》2010,29(12):16-16
随着新世纪的到来,人们已经从传统的短缺经济跨入新经济时代。体验营销由于其本身的特征及优越性无论是在西方国家还是在中国都越来越受到广大企业的关注和青睐。那么究竟何为体验营销,其中存在哪些制约因素,同时这些问题该如何解决成为中国企业界关注的焦点,本文将拟从上述几方面进行分析和论述。  相似文献   

14.
This article analyses the changing trends in regional economic development policy delivery in multilevel governance systems. Although the imperatives of coordination of public policy interventions across multiple levels has generally been recognized, not enough attention has been given to how different political systems actually adapt their institutional and policy designs to effectively operate in the emergent complexity of multilevel governance systems. The article focuses on regional economic development policy governance in the province of Ontario, Canada over the past three decades, drawing insights from new regionalism, organization theory and governance literature to examine the prospects and challenges of policy delivery in politically complex multilevel systems. The case study illustrates how regional economic development policy is increasingly dictated by complex environmental and institutional forces of multilevel governance that are shaped by the particular character of a political system.  相似文献   

15.
俞开 《价值工程》2014,(20):174-175
21世纪是经济快速发展的时代,科技的发展使企业之间的竞争力越来越大。人才是企业竞争的核心,为了适应新时代经济发展的需要,企业越来越重视人力资源管理工作,人力资源在各行各业中都发挥着重大的作用。地质行业对职工的技术操作能力要求随着经济社会的影响越来越高,企业发展的速度与人力资源素质的高低有着直接的关系。本文从地质行业人力资源管理的现状入手,对人力资源管理对地质经济的作用作了简单分析。  相似文献   

16.
解峰 《价值工程》2012,31(34):186-187
当今时代,信息技术飞速发展,网络不仅影响着社会的经济生活,而且猛烈地冲击着传统的思想观念和思维方式,改变着人们的工作、生活和学习方式。网络这一载体,已成为新时期特殊的思想阵地,给电力企业思想政治工作深入有效地开展带来新的机遇与挑战。如何始终保持企业持续、稳定、健康发展,加强企业的思想政治工作就显得尤为重要。  相似文献   

17.
Advertising and its effects have been debated for well over a century. In the last few decades a generally sceptical view of the benefits of advertising has been overturned by a series of academic advances in economics that detail a variety of ways in which advertising may affect the economy and society. This academic work has however been paralleled by a growing popular and political opposition to advertising and its social effects. In this paper, the positive economic case for advertising is challenged by an assessment of the main channels of its influence and by a review of the associated empirical findings on its economic and wider impact. A policy response of limiting the tax deductibility of business advertising is explored.  相似文献   

18.
陈小红 《价值工程》2011,30(1):313-313
城乡二元结构的长期存在造成了许多社会、经济和政治问题,随着时代的发展,城乡二元结构造成的深层次矛盾日益凸显。进入新世纪,我国总体上进入以工促农、以城带乡的发展阶段,城乡经济社会发展一体化的新格局正在逐渐形成。城乡二元结构的日益消解对于中国的现代化进程、对于中国政治发展以及对于和谐社会的构建必将具有关键性的政治意义。  相似文献   

19.
杨玉凤 《价值工程》2011,30(26):112-112
我们正处在一个新经济时代,文化的建设将是新经济时代企业管理的重要工作。  相似文献   

20.
陈瑞 《价值工程》2010,29(30):200-200
随着广东电网公司深圳供电局信息化建设的逐步提高,营销、生产、GIS等核心业务系统面临的一个重要问题是可靠性问题,如因灾难的发生导致核心业务系统停用或系统不能恢复,不仅会给供电局带来巨大损失,而且还会给社会带来巨大的经济和政治影响。本文从电力行业容灾系统的特征入手,研究了最新容灾群集技术,并讨论了其在深圳供电局核心业务系统上的应用。  相似文献   

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