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In the conspicuously geographical debate between ‘North’ and ‘South’ urbanism, settler colonial cities remain displaced. They are located in the ‘North’ but embody ‘South‐like’ colonial dynamics and are hence neither colonial nor postcolonial. Heeding the call to theorize from ‘any city’, this article aims to contribute to a more systematic theorization of the urban from settler colonial cities. In it we focus on the work property does to materialize the settler colonial city and its specific relations of power. We identify three faces of property—as object, as redress and as land—and use case vignettes from Israel/Palestine and Australia to consider how each register continues to inform the functioning of settler colonial cities. We find that, through property, dispossession and settlement are continuously performed and creatively enacted. At the same time, the performance of property reaffirms the endurance of Indigenous land systems amid ongoing colonization. The article makes a contribution to contemporary debates in urban studies about the importance of surfacing the specificities of urban experiences around the world, while further unsettling the dissociative nature of urban property.  相似文献   

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A bstract . This investigation has shown that in developing countries an inconsistency arises between the need for more equitable distribution of income and wealth between classes and groups and the goals of an industrial relations system in which the trade unions are committed to 'political unionism.' While the unions helped to achieve independence and thus economic growth , in Jamaica the country moved into independence with a legacy of hardship and conflict, and of bad labor-management relations. Legitimate union demands were suppressed, producing a situation in which latent conflict became manifest. This became a permanent feature; the unions are encouraged to become militant political organizations which in Trinidad were alienated from the formal political structure. The type of unions and industrial relations systems that emerged after independence proved unsuitable and undesirable for achieving sustained rapid rates of economic growth, making reform of the labor relations system and the electoral process mandatory.  相似文献   

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Abstract . What were the circumstances under which political unionism has emerged in economies of British colonial origin, such as Jamaica and Trinidad? The hypothesis tested is that the political activities of trade unions in such economies played a role in the process of economic development, helping to achieve political independence and then economic growth. But at that stage political unionism is found to be incompatible with needed acceleration of growth rates. A significant deterioration in economic and social conditions produced a crisis and the unions traded support for the parties for some control over economic and social policy. This gave the political leaders the power they needed to negotiate for independence but, in Jamaica, it changed the focus and character of the labor movement.  相似文献   

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Abstract . Developing countries face an inconsistency between the need for more equitable distribution of income and wealth between classes and groups and the goals of an industrial relations system in which the trade unions have a systematic commitment to allied political parties to support them in exchange for some control over economic and social policy, or where unions compete with parties for popular support of certain social and political goals. This is designated as 'political unionism' in contradistinction to 'business unionism' where unions support any party whose overall strategy and objectives are most compatible. The analysis shows that ‘political unionism’ led, in Jamaica and in Trinidad and Tabago, to lags in growth which make industrial relations reform a necessity of an effective program of social change.  相似文献   

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Most of the published works on place promotion and urban change have been undertaken within the western world. This essay goes beyond previous studies by examining the phenomenon within the African context. Specifically, it examines the utility of heritage tourism as an avenue for place promotion of Cape Coast, Ghana. The essay demonstrates how urban development in Ghana has become more centralized on towns such as Accra and Kumasi, so that once important towns like Cape Coast have lost their importance. The fact that such towns have attempted to improve their position via innovative urban development strategies, and the experience of Cape Coast, is a testimony of how heritage tourism is helping to fill this gap. However, there are significant structural constraints on the effective use of tourism in salvaging Cape Coast’s declining image, and these have to be addressed before too much faith is put in tourism as a tool for place promotion.  相似文献   

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The meanings and practices of space shape how cities are understood and governed. This article argues that space is central to understandings of mobility and practices of regulation in the city. Undertaking an analysis of the regulation of Muslim pilgrims (Hajis) in colonial Bombay (Mumbai) from 1880 to 1914, this article explores urban governance discourses around race, religion and public health at a variety of scales. It investigates the way that Hajis were problematized through these discourses, and targeted as threats to elite power and prosperity in the specific context of Bombay as a global shipping and economic hub. I conclude that elite conceptions of the city shape the governance of problematized bodies in ways which reinforce the meanings and politics of mobility and space. Elite understandings of movement and the city itself shape the practices and targets of urban regulation and control.  相似文献   

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Discrimination in the labor market has historically been associated with gender, race, ethnicity, and age. This article introduces another basis of discrimination—international experience—which may exist in developing countries because of a colonial mindset. The research is an exploratory study, based on an analysis of in‐depth semistructured interviews with 8 HR managers, 19 employees with international experience, and 24 employees without international experience (N = 51) working in the oil and gas and telecom sectors of Pakistan. Results indicate some initial evidence of a bias, and hence discrimination during recruitment for entry‐level positions. Findings also indicate that international experience may contribute to enhanced employment opportunities, career progress, and higher compensation at senior‐level leadership positions, leaving those without such experience at a disadvantage. While in some cases international experience may be a genuine occupational requirement (GOR), further research is needed to identify whether this is in fact a GOR for senior level positions in all types of organizations or indirect discrimination under the guise of GOR. Recommendations for HR managers and organizational leaders are also set out, which can be applied in practice to foster equality of opportunity in the workplace. © 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

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A bstract . The role of American learned societies in developing support for an American colonial foreign policy has been neglected. Evidence indicates that American learned societies, in the period following the Spanish-American War from 1898 to 1901, were intellectually predisposed toward an imperial policy. The debates within the American Historical Association , the American Economic Association , and the American Academy of Political and Social Science are described and analyzed. Each learned society abandoned the ivory tower" and mixed in impassioned politics. The "imperial" interpretation led historians to endorse empire as salutary; economists endorsed the role of the State in building markets for domestic production; and prevailing Social Darwinistic views of political economy led the Academy of Political and Social Science to support an activist, acquisitive foreign policy as necessary to the national interest. Dissident, anti imperialist scholars as well as skeptical scholars could not turn the imperial mood of these societies.  相似文献   

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Abstract . Traditional economic theory regards the social costs of monopoly as the reduction in both consumer and producer surplus as a result of monopolization of certain sectors of the economy. Recent research has shown that a proper accounting of the social costs of monopoly must include the costs of obtaining and maintaining monopoly positions. Anne O. Krueger used the term “rent seeking” to refer to the expending of scarce resources by entrepreneurs to fight for rents created through government activity in the economy. Excessive interference in the economy by government can result in an increase in the social costs of monopoly. In a developing country such as Cameroon, where government activity in the economy has been quite pervasive since the latter part of the 1800s, opportunities have been created for rent seeking. This type of activity has helped to impede the economic growth of the country.  相似文献   

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Using a sample of over 5000 establishments in Germany, we analyze the antecedents and effects of profit sharing (PS) and employee share ownership (ESO) with respect to the ability of firms to meet their recruitment and retention objectives and to achieve employment growth. We draw on both economic and behavioral perspectives to argue that firms that adopt PS and ESO plans do so in order to attract and retain employees. Using logistic regression and a propensity score matching technique, we find that firms that face higher recruitment problems, and those that have greater employment growth objectives, are more likely to use ESO and PS. Unlike ESO, PS enhances firm-level employment growth. However, neither ESO nor PS help firms to fully resolve recruitment and retention problems.  相似文献   

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廊坊与京津的产业对接及融合   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
认为京津冀都市圈区域规划的编制和实施,将极大地促进该都市圈内生产要素的大范围流动和资源的优化配置。廊坊置身于京津冀都市圈,与京津山水相连,具有对接京津产业的良好基础。廊坊市应深度融合京津资源,积极搭建开放平台,规划廊坊市与京津产业对接的思路,确定与京津产业对接的领域,以此促进廊坊市的经济和社会的快速发展。  相似文献   

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吉列凤 《价值工程》2012,31(9):249-250
化工实验教学的改革,以改进实验教材,强化安全教育课程,规范学生实验行为,旨在全面提高学生的安全环保意识和安全素质。而以安全素质为核心的综合素质能力的提升,对高职学生一生的工作和生活都会产生巨大的影响。  相似文献   

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