走向共同富裕的制度力量——评陈宗胜等著《中国居民收入分配通论》

<正>改革开放初期,邓小平就提出要允许一部分地区、一部分人先富起来,带动大家实现共同富裕,即著名的"先富后富理论"。20世纪90年代初,邓小平在"南方谈话"中再次提出:"社会主义的本质,是解放生产力,发展生产力,消灭剥削,消除两极分化,最终达到共同富裕。"邓小平的论断指出了经济发展中生产力这一决定因素,也为中国坚持并发展社会主义公有制经济制度指明了方向。正是在上述重大时代背景下,陈宗胜教授提出"公有经济收入分配倒U理论",继而细致地观察思     

对社会主义共同富裕的再认识

1990年代初,邓小平同志在对社会主义本质概括的过程中提出了社会主义根本目的是共同富裕的命题。党的十八大在新的历史条件下,把"必须坚持走共同富裕道路",作为夺取中国特色社会主义新胜利的一项必须牢牢把握的基本要求。这是对邓小平同志共同富裕思想的继承、丰富和发展,是对当前思想领域中质疑或者不愿意讲共同富裕这个目标的倾向的否定,预防了在不知不觉中动摇甚至脱离党的基本路线的偏向。共同富裕是中国特色社会主义的根本原则,走共同富裕道路必须要坚持社会主义基本经济制度和分配制度;收入差距扩大是共同富裕道路上的羁绊,要实现共同富裕必须调整国民收入分配格局,加大再分配调节力度,着力解决收入分配差距扩大问题。     

邓小平社会主义科学富裕观与中国特色国有经济理论的构建

认识富裕的基本问题是构建中国特色国有经济理论的逻辑起点。邓小平在科学解答"什么是社会主义、怎样建设社会主义"的重大理论和实际问题时,总是与"实现什么样的富裕、怎样富裕"的重大理论和实际问题联系在一起,并由此构建了中国特色国有经济理论体系。人民共同富裕即"实现什么样的富裕"是邓小平社会主义科学富裕观的首要问题,也是构建中国特色国有经济理论必须搞清楚的问题,要实现人民共同富裕,就必须以科学精神在我国探索和回答怎样实现人民共同富裕即"怎样富裕"的现实途径。邓小平社会主义科学富裕观蕴含在中国特色国有经济理论内。     

坚持生产力标准，完整准确地理解邓小平社会主义本质论

邓小平同志的社会主义本质论。丰富和发展了历史唯物主义和科学社会主义。既强调坚持社会主义生产资料公有制的必要性和不可动摇性；更强调在社会主义条件下解放和发展生产力的特殊重要性。只有这样才能巩固和发展生产资料公有制，还是消灭剥削、消除两级分化，最终实现共同富裕；才能真正建设对资本主义具有优越性的社会主义；也才能建设有中国特色的社会主义。     

邓小平的共同富裕理论在华西的实践——江阴市华西村的一点调查

<正>江阴市华西村,这个江南水乡普普通通的一个村庄,在邓小平同志建设有中国特色社会主义理论指引下,正在日新月异地变化着.他们坚持社会主义方向,不断壮大集体经济,在0.96平方公里的锦秀土地上,画出了共同富裕的最新最美的图画.李鹏总理欣然命笔;“华西村,中国农村的希望所在”.华西村在海外也名闻遐迩,至今已有109个国家和地区不同肤色的宾客慕名前去参观、访问.1991年1月,美国访华团在华西村参观时说了一句话:“在美国农村,穷富差距较大.要寻找一个象华西整体共同富裕的村,确实很难.象这样的社会主义,我们也要.”华西村的辉煌,华西村的成功,再一次雄辨地证明了邓小平同志提出的共同富裕理论的无比正确.(一)共同富裕是社会主义的根本原则.邓小平同志多次强调社会主义最终目标是要达到共同富裕,“在改革中,我们始终坚持两条根本原则:一是社会主义公有制经济占主体,一是共同富裕”,“社会主义的本质是解放生产力,发展生产力,消灭剥削.消除两极分化,最终达到共同富裕.”华西村1961年建村时,集体资产不足2.5万元.改革开放以来,他们认真实践邓小平同志的共同富裕理论,坚持社会主义公有制,不断壮大集体经济,1994年集体资产达到6000多万元,人均超过1万美金,比建村时增长了2400倍.现在的华西村,集体经济搞得红     

学习邓小平关于社会主义生产关系实现形式的思想

邓小平对社会主义经济理论的一个重大贡献 ,就是他提出了寻找能够适应生产力发展要求的社会主义生产关系实现形式的思想。党的十五大提出的“公有制实现形式可以而且应当多样化”的理论 ,是对邓小平关于社会主义生产关系实现形式思想的新发展。     

邓小平富民思想解读

让中国人民富裕起来,使中国繁荣昌盛,是邓小平一生的追求。为此,他进行了艰辛探索和伟大实践,并逐渐形成了完整的思想体系。细细解读邓小平这一思想可以发现,这一思想的发展呈现阶段性特点,实现手段是解放生产力、发展生产力,制度基础是社会主义,而允许一部分地区、一部分人先富起来,然后达到共同富裕则是致富的基本途径。一、邓小平富民思想的产生和发展邓小平曾说,我是中国人民的儿子,我深情地爱着我的祖国和人民。他这种爱国爱民思想的具体表现之一就是力争使人民群众过上好日子。抗日战争时期,邓小平在晋冀鲁豫边区主张“应当把生产当作…     

发展社会主义市场经济是实现共同富裕的必由之路

发展社会主义市场经济是实现共同富裕的必由之路荀凤臣有人认为，市场经济会吃掉公有制，导致两极分化。这是不对的。邓小平同志指出：＂计划和市场都是方法嘛。只要对发展生产力有好处，就可以利用。它为社会主义服务，就是社会主义的；为资本主义服务，就是资本主义的。...     

论共同富裕及其实现途径

共同富裕是社会主义的根本原则 ,也是社会主义的最终奋斗目标 ,共同富裕既是目标 ,也是一个过程 ,只能逐步实现。为实现共同富裕 ,防止两极分化 ,必须深化改革 ,规范收入分配秩序 ,加强政府宏观调控 ,而坚持社会主义公有制的主体地位则是实现共同富裕的根本保证。     

公平与效率统一的载体

公平与效率在社会主义公有制范围内是有机统一的,其统一的载体是共同富裕。首先,共同富裕是建立在高效率的基础之上的;其次,共同富裕又必须在公平的基础之上才能实现。     

邓小平的共同富裕思想与现阶段我国的收入差距

共同富裕是社会主义的本质特征 ,是社会主义的长远目标 ,是全体人民物质文化生活的富裕 ;共同富裕必须以生产力的高度发展为基础 ;共同富裕不是同时、同步、同等富裕。实现共同富裕的手段是让一部分地区、一部分人先富起来。现阶段我国社会的收入差距是在我国国民经济持续快速发展的基础上 ,在人民总体收入水平普遍提高的过程中产生的收入差距 ,是在共同富裕的目标下先富后富的差别 ,它不包含两极分化的内容。     

世界市场:社会主义市场经济的逻辑起点

对于社会主义市场经济这一邓小平理论中的基本问题，人们更多的是从计划经济与市场经济两种经济体制的横向比较中或哲学方法论的角度进行分析，从而把世界市场作为建设社会主义市场经济的外部条件。本文遵循马克思的思路，主要从世界市场、社会主义、市场经济相互关系角度探讨了社会主义市场经济的理论渊源，指出世界市场是社会主义市场经济的逻辑起点和理论源头，并认为这种分析方法有助于人们正确理解马克思主义与邓小平理论的内在联系。     

论邓小平的生产力思想

建设有中国特色的社会主义理论用新的思想、观点继承和发展了马克思主义,其中居于核心地位的、起基础作用的是邓小平同志的生产力思想。邓小平生产力思想是和平与发展时代的产物,包含着极其丰富的内容,已经形成了一个比较完整的体系,是对马列主义、毛泽东思想的巨大发展,也是我国进行现代化建设的基本理论依据,具有划时代意义。     

邓小平经济伦理观探析

邓小平经济伦理观是邓小平理论的重要组成部分,是邓小平运用马克思主义的立场、观点和方法把经济和伦理道德密切结合,是当代中国经济建设实践和时代精神的结晶.在新世纪新阶段,深入分析邓小平经济伦理观,对于落实以人为本的科学发展观、构建社会主义和谐社会具有重要的意义.     

新时代如何更好坚持和发展中国特色社会主义——学习党的十九届六中全会精神的体会

党的十九届六中全会全面总结了党的百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验,为新时代更好地坚持和发展中国特色社会主义提供了重要指导.邓小平理论开创了中国特色社会主义,南方谈话作为邓小平理论的集大成之作,全面阐述了邓小平关于如何建设中国特色社会主义的思想,对当前我国更好地坚持和发展中国特色社会主义仍具有重要的指导意义.本文立足党的十九届...     

Economics,Democracy, and the Distribution of Capital Ownership

This article holds that widespread, practical access to capital acquisition is essential for sustainable widespread economic prosperity and democracy. The founders of the U.S.A. agreed that sustainable democracy required widespread ownership of land to provide a viable earning capacity sufficient to support robust participation in democratic government. The importance of widespread land ownership to individual prosperity and sustainable democracy was supported not only by the prevailing philosophical views of property, it was also apparent to the common man and woman. Compared to Europe, America offered widespread access to land ownership, higher wages, better work conditions, cheaper staples and greater individual freedom, equal opportunity, prosperity, and political participation. This conviction that widespread access to ownership is a necessary condition for widespread prosperity and sustainable democracy continued throughout most of the nineteenth century, but today public discourse reveals virtually no trace of this once universally held opinion. This article suggests that the disappearance of this conviction can be traced to an erroneous view shaped by neoclassical economics and Keynesian economics. According to this view, (1) the disappearance of the American frontier and industrialization made the goal of widespread capital ownership either impractical or of little or no economic significance and (2) by way of technological advance, sufficient earning capacity and consumer demand to promote growth and sustain democracy can be achieved, without widespread ownership, primarily through jobs and welfare. Although differing in many respects, both mainstream schools, along with Adam Smith’s classical economics, share one common but unstated economic assumption: the broader distribution of capital acquisition (in itself) has no fundamental relationship to the fuller employment of people and capital, the broader distribution of greater individual earning capacity, and growth. Contemporary thinking, shaped by these economic schools, also tacitly assumes that widespread capital ownership is not essential for the sustainable individual earning capacity needed to support robust democracy. This erroneous “ownership-neutrality assumption” (1) contradicts both the views of America’s founders and the colonial experience, and (2) provides theoretical justification for structuring capital markets and capital acquisition transactions to unfairly and dysfunctionally favor existing owners at the expense of broader ownership distribution, more widely shared prosperity, greater efficiency, ecologically friendly growth, and a vital democracy. America’s conscientious founders would be shocked by the diminished importance of the distribution of ownership in the mainstream analysis of prices, efficiency, production, growth, and democracy. Rather than enhancing democracy, they would view the “ownership-neutrality assumption” of mainstream economics as contributing to its deterioration and corruption. They would openly search for economic analysis built on an alternate assumption more consistent with their understanding of the requisite conditions for sustainable democracy. This article advances an economic analysis that suspends the ownership-neutrality assumption, replaces it with a “broader-ownership-growth assumption,” and suggests a voluntary market strategy for substantially broadening capital ownership, enhancing individual earning capacity, and providing the widespread economic prosperity needed for robust democracy.     

邓小平共同富裕思想分析

邓小平共同富裕思想立足中国国情,是对科学社会主义理论的重要发展,指导中国社会主义实践取得了巨大成就。当前,在坚持共同富裕思想的基础上,应该把收入差距控制在合理的范围内。     

Economics,Democracy, and the Distribution of Capital Ownership

This article holds that widespread, practical access to capital acquisition is essential for sustainable widespread economic prosperity and democracy. The founders of the U.S.A. agreed that sustainable democracy required widespread ownership of land to provide a viable earning capacity sufficient to support robust participation in democratic government. The importance of widespread land ownership to individual prosperity and sustainable democracy was supported not only by the prevailing philosophical views of property, it was also apparent to the common man and woman. Compared to Europe, America offered widespread access to land ownership, higher wages, better work conditions, cheaper staples and greater individual freedom, equal opportunity, prosperity, and political participation. This conviction that widespread access to ownership is a necessary condition for widespread prosperity and sustainable democracy continued throughout most of the nineteenth century, but today public discourse reveals virtually no trace of this once universally held opinion. This article suggests that the disappearance of this conviction can be traced to an erroneous view shaped by neoclassical economics and Keynesian economics. According to this view, (1) the disappearance of the American frontier and industrialization made the goal of widespread capital ownership either impractical or of little or no economic significance and (2) by way of technological advance, sufficient earning capacity and consumer demand to promote growth and sustain democracy can be achieved, without widespread ownership, primarily through jobs and welfare. Although differing in many respects, both mainstream schools, along with Adam Smith’s classical economics, share one common but unstated economic assumption: the broader distribution of capital acquisition (in itself) has no fundamental relationship to the fuller employment of people and capital, the broader distribution of greater individual earning capacity, and growth. Contemporary thinking, shaped by these economic schools, also tacitly assumes that widespread capital ownership is not essential for the sustainable individual earning capacity needed to support robust democracy. This erroneous “ownership-neutrality assumption” (1) contradicts both the views of America’s founders and the colonial experience, and (2) provides theoretical justification for structuring capital markets and capital acquisition transactions to unfairly and dysfunctionally favor existing owners at the expense of broader ownership distribution, more widely shared prosperity, greater efficiency, ecologically friendly growth, and a vital democracy. America’s conscientious founders would be shocked by the diminished importance of the distribution of ownership in the mainstream analysis of prices, efficiency, production, growth, and democracy. Rather than enhancing democracy, they would view the “ownership-neutrality assumption” of mainstream economics as contributing to its deterioration and corruption. They would openly search for economic analysis built on an alternate assumption more consistent with their understanding of the requisite conditions for sustainable democracy. This article advances an economic analysis that suspends the ownership-neutrality assumption, replaces it with a “broader-ownership-growth assumption,” and suggests a voluntary market strategy for substantially broadening capital ownership, enhancing individual earning capacity, and providing the widespread economic prosperity needed for robust democracy.     

探析实现“民富国强”的路径选择

近年来中国GDP总量已经跃升为世界第二大经济体,国力之强盛毋庸置疑。然而,多年来城乡居民收入增长速度跑不赢国家财政收入的增长速度,收入分配不公平引发社会不断扩大的贫富两极分,出现了国强民不富的扭曲效应。因初次分配结构不合理、公共财政发挥的资源配置与收入分配调节效率低下、社会保障及收入分配制度不完善等因素,导致中国经济增长的模式被锁定在一种极不平衡的状态中。为此,探析并选择民富的路径,实现现阶段中国从国强转向民富的发展战略尤为重要。