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1.
Within the context of the airline industry, this study offers an integrated approach measuring the effects of internal brand communication, brand-centered training, transformational leadership, brand ideology, and internal brand communities on job satisfaction and work outcomes. It further explores the role of job satisfaction as a mediator between internal branding and work outcomes. Following an analysis of 485 responses, we find that leadership, ideology, and communities positively influence job satisfaction, which in turn affects intention-to-stay, team performance, and brand commitment. Job satisfaction is also found to mediate the relationships between internal branding (i.e., transformational leadership, brand ideology, and internal brand communities) and work outcomes. These findings highlight that appropriate branding strategies can enhance airline development through employee satisfaction. 相似文献
2.
ABSTRACTThe traditional literature regarding social entrepreneurship does not question the political dimension. On the contrary, it tends to de-politicize societal issues. A growing number of researchers underline how this perspective cannot address the complexity and the dialogical nature of social entrepreneurship. However, while there may be a case for incorporating a political perspective, there is currently no conceptual framework to systematically inform an empirical exploration of the role played by the political vision of entrepreneurs. In this paper, we use the concept of political ideology to offer a solid framework to show how politics can shape social entrepreneurs’ motivations. More precisely we identify three political profiles – anti-statist, reformist and neoliberal – which shape the motives to engage in social entrepreneurship. We take an embedded case study approach of 17 social entrepreneurs involved in a social innovation boot camp and reveal the existence of both, left and right-wing approaches in social entrepreneurship. 相似文献
3.
This study endeavors to enhance political marketing literature about the impact of lobbying on firm performance. Our sample is composed of 140 U.S. firms and spans the years 2007–2014 to encompass the 2007–2009 recession and the subsequent recovery period. Our findings indicate that lobbying expenses positively contribute to firm performance. Also, government contracts in both ways, dollar amount and number of government contracts, act as mediators between lobbying expenses and firm performance. In addition, organizational slack moderates the relationship between lobbying expenses and government contracts. The managerial implications suggest that lobbying expenses can be leveraged as a potent tool for firm performance. Firms with larger lobbying efforts acquired both, higher dollar amounts and a greater number of government contracts. 相似文献
4.
企业边界人员与外部利益相关者发展私人关系是新兴市场中的普遍现象,但是“私人关系”是否真的会提升企业绩效?当前文献对此问题并未给出一致结论。文章基于105篇使用中国市场数据的中英文文献,运用元分析技术(Meta-Analysis)考察了私人关系对企业绩效的影响,并分析了企业所处的制度环境和市场环境,企业的生命周期、规模、所有制形式等内部特征对上述影响的调节作用。通过对392个效应值的集成分析,文章发现,尽管私人关系确实能提升企业绩效(r=0.167),但是不同层面的私人关系(政治联系和商业联系)对不同类型的企业绩效(财务绩效、运营绩效和战略绩效)所产生的影响存在差异。同时制度环境、市场环境、企业特征均会显著地调节私人关系对企业绩效的影响。上述结论为新兴市场中的企业如何将私人关系转化为企业绩效提供了指导。 相似文献
5.
立足政府需要,从侧面对当前政府职能转变过程进行分析和探讨,希望以政府本身作为理性实体的运作为基础,对该问题进行解释。 相似文献
6.
高校政治思想工作的创新思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
胡子英 《湖北财经高等专科学校学报》2005,17(4):56-57
新时期高校思想政治工作要与教育教学相统一,要做到人性化,强化人本意识,坚持以学生为本,增强历史责任感和使命感,切实把大学生思想政治教育工作提高到一个新的水平。 相似文献
7.
我国的反腐败已经进入了一个特殊的高原期,能否实现政治体制上端的重大改革,是决定中国反腐败能否实现突破的关键。政治体制上端改革要坚持三个不动摇、发展党内民主、完善人民代表大会制度和改革政党制度,可以建立"廉洁岛"式的政治特区。 相似文献
8.
农民工城乡迁移个人机会成本的构成及定量分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
农民工城乡迁移的个人机会成本可归纳为经济性个人机会成本、社会性个人机会成本和政治性个人机会成本三大类,基于笔者主持的1012名城乡迁移农民工的问卷调查,文章分析了这三类个人机会成本各自的构成,并对它们进行了定量分析。 相似文献
9.
刘建设 《内蒙古财经学院学报(综合版)》2009,(2):68-70
科学发展观是推进我国经济社会全面发展的指导思想,也是加强和改进大学生思想政治教育的指导方针。本文通过分析高校思想政治教育存在的普遍问题,提出了在科学发展观指导下的思想政治教育工作的新思路,新途径。 相似文献
10.
Henry Bernstein 《Journal of Agrarian Change》2002,2(4):433-463
The paper proposes a broad argument that the end of state–led development from the 1970s coincided with (i) the final wave of major redistributive land reform, and its place within transitions to capitalism, that lasted from about 1910 to the 1970s, and (ii) the beginnings of contemporary 'globalization'. Self–styled 'new wave' agrarian reform in the age of neo–liberalism, centred on property rights, is unlikely to deliver much on its claims to both stimulate agricultural productivity and reduce rural poverty. The reasons are grounded in the basic relations and dynamics of capitalism, and how these are intensified and reshaped by and through globalization. Understanding these processes, with all their inevitable unevenness, requires (i) recognizing that the historical conditions of the 'classic' agrarian question no longer apply, and (ii) developing the means to investigate and understand better the changing realities facing different agrarian classes within a general tendency to the concentration of capital and fragmentation of labour, including how the latter may generate new agrarian questions of labour. 相似文献