"和谐社会"凸现中国特色社会主义新境界

“社会和谐是中国特色社会主义的本质属性”,《中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》作出的这一判断,深刻揭示了社会主义本质,开辟了中国特色社会主义新境界。     

共建共享 积极构建社会主义和谐社会

党的十六届六中全会审议通过的《中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》,全面、深刻地阐明了社会主义和谐社会的性质和定位,明确了构建社会主义和谐社会的指导思想、目标任务、工作原则和战略部署,是指导我们推进社会主义和谐社会建设的纲领性文件.江苏省委十届十一次全会通过的《中共江苏省委贯彻《中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》的意见》,就我省和谐社会建设作出了全面部署,对建设和谐江苏具有重要的指导作用.我们要认真学习、深刻领会、全面贯彻好中央《决定》和省委《意见》精神,紧密联系无锡实际,牢牢把握重点难点,在构建和谐社会的新长征中大胆探索、奋力开拓、扎实工作,努力把无锡建成全省和谐发展示范区.     

这一年

10月8日中国共产党第十六届中央委员会第六次全体会议在北京开幕。全会作出了《关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》．《决定》对构建和谐社会作了五方面部署，提出9大目标和任务。这是对构建社会主义和谐社会具有重大指导意义的纲领性文件．反映了建设富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家的内在要求，体现了全党全国各族人民的共同愿望。     

关于社会主义和谐社会科学内涵、阶段特征和主要实现途径的探讨

构建社会主义和谐社会是基于当前与未来经济社会发展形势,基于建设中国特色社会主义事业全局提出的重大战略任务,关系到全面建设小康社会目标的圆满实现,关系到国家的长治久安和民族的前途命运。中共十六届六中全会作出了《关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》,对当前和今后一个时期构建社会主义和谐社会进行了周密部署。构建好社会主义和谐社会,必须准确把握和谐社会建设的一般规律,科学认识社会主义和谐社会的一些基本问题。本文将围绕社会主义和谐社会的基本内涵、阶段特征和主要实现途径等重要问题做一些研讨。一、和谐社会的…     

发挥思想政治工作优势大力促进和谐文化建设

党的十六届六中全会作出的构建社会主义和谐社会的决定中,对构建以社会主义核心价值体系为根本的和谐文化．进行了深刻阐述．提出了明确要求。这不仅将对文化建设起巨大的促进作用．也给思想政治工作。特别是各级各类思想政治工作者提出了一个十分严肃的重大课题。这就是在当前及今后相当长的一个时期内．怎样充分发挥我们党思想政治工作的优势，大力促进和谐文化建设，为构建社会主义和谐社会作出贡献。     

论和谐矿区评价考核指标体系的建立

当今世界,和平、发展、和谐逐步成为各国人民的共同追求,在和平的环境下共享和谐的发展成果成为人们的共同目标.在我国,2006年10月党的十六届六中全会作出<中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定>以后,构建和谐社会逐步成为时代的主旋律.矿区是社会的细胞,和谐矿区是和谐社会的重要组成部分,是和谐企业的重要基础.     

和谐社会，怎样才算和谐？——关于建立社会和谐指数评价体系的初步构想

自中央提出构建社会主义和谐社会，特别是《中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》公布以来，各地积极贯彻落实，为推进社会主义和谐社会建设作出了极大的努力。但是，因为没有一个可以量化操作的评价标准，难以考量整体功效，也难以准确衡量各地具体的社会发展程度。所以，制定一套符合实际的、能够体现科学发展观要求的、具有权威性的社会和谐指数评价体系势在必行。     

循环经济在构建和谐社会中的价值取向

循环经济不单单是经济和技术问题,也是一种文化观念和价值取向.党的十六届六中全会确定了构建社会主义和谐社会的目标.在这一目标总要求下,探讨循环经济在构建和谐社会中的价值取向,对构建社会主义和谐社会,具有重要的促进作用.     

搞好移民安置与构建和谐社会的有关问题探讨——基于云南水电开发的移民安置对策研究

中国共产党第十六届中央委员会第六次全体会议审议通过了《中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》.这表明构建和谐社会已列入我国的重要议事日程.     

构建和谐社会与基层离退休党支部建设的探讨

党的十六届六中全会重点研究了构建社会主义和谐社会的问题,并明确提出了构建和谐社会的指导思想和目标任务。全会通过的《中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》强调,构建社会主义和谐社会,关键在党,重心在基层。这为我们进一步指明了方向。党的基层组织是党在社会基层组织中的战斗堡垒,是党的全部工作和战斗力的基础,     

Political Motivations

Are politicians motivated by policy outcomes or by the perks of office? To shed light on this important question, I develop a simple model of two candidate electoral competitions in which candidates may be either office or policy motivated . In a second departure from standard formulations, the model incorporates both campaign and post-election behaviour of candidates. In this environment, I find that office-motivated candidates are favoured in electoral competition but that their advantage is limited by the electoral mechanism itself and policy-motivated candidates win a significant fraction of elections. More importantly, I show that the competitive interaction among candidates of different motivations affects the incentives of all candidates—both office and policy motivated—and that this competition affects policy outcomes. I also extend the model to explore the decision of citizens to enter politics and show that in all equilibria policy-motivated citizens compose a majority of the candidate pool.     

Political Dynasties

Political dynasties have long been present in democracies, raising concerns that inequality in the distribution of political power may reflect imperfections in democratic representation. However, the persistence of political elites may simply reflect differences in ability or political vocation across families and not their entrenchment in power. We show that dynastic prevalence in the Congress of the U.S. is high compared to that in other occupations and that political dynasties do not merely reflect permanent differences in family characteristics. On the contrary, using two instrumental variable techniques we find that political power is self-perpetuating: legislators who hold power for longer become more likely to have relatives entering Congress in the future. Thus, in politics, power begets power.     

父亲政治身份、政治关系和子女收入

本文使用CGSS2005年的数据,考察拥有党员身份的父亲的退休对子女收入的影响.结果表明,父亲在职和党员的交互项对子女收入有较为显著的影响.退休可以认为是一个与父母能力、子女能力和社会资本几乎无关的外生事件,这反映了政治关系特别是权力的寻租效应的存在.文章还通过除年龄平均后的回归试图更加有效地解决父亲年龄和子女年龄相关的问题,以及通过父亲教育和退休交互项对子女收入的影响,进行了侧面的证明.     

Political credit cycles

This paper tests the existence of political credit cycles, the positive comovement between credit and elections. While several single‐country studies point to the existence of this relationship, the link between electoral cycles and credit expansion has seen little exploration at the multicountry level. Using a comprehensive dataset covering bank and non‐bank credit in 165 countries from 1960 to 2013, we show that both government and private credit significantly increase in election years. This finding suggests the possibility that politicians use not only fiscal and monetary policy to court voters, but also implement credit policies such as interest rate subsidies and tax breaks for debt to enhance credit growth. We also find that a higher degree of financial openness weakens the frequency and magnitude of political credit cycles; yet, the conditional effect of financial openness is stronger for developing countries than developed economies.     

Political Economy*

The term 'political economy' has a long and curious history, from its 17th-century meaning of statecraft to the classical economists' use of it for what later came to be called economics and its recent appropriation by neo-Marxists for social theory which, in contrast to 'orthodox' economics, goes into history, politics and sociology, focuses on power relationships and combines positive analysis with advocacy. This article points out that there are now at least two schools of political economy in this tatter sense, the neo-Marxist and the 'Chicago' school. The concluding section distinguishes sensible and not so sensible uses of the term.     

The Legislator as Political Entrepreneur: Investment in Political Capital

This paper applies the standard Austrian theory of capital investment to the standard interest group model of legislator behavior. Distinguishing between reputational capital and representative capital as interdependent forms of political capital, I argue that legislator behavior (specifically roll call voting) can be explained as entrepreneurial investment in political capital under uncertainty. I discuss several examples in which this approach can potentially add predictive power regarding legislative voting.     

Political forecast cycles

A moral hazard model is used to show why overly optimistic revenue forecasts prior to elections can be optimal: Opportunistic governments can increase spending and appear more competent; ex post deficits emerge in election years, thereby producing political forecast cycles – as also found for US states in the empirical literature. Additionally, we obtain three theoretical results which are tested with panel data for Portuguese municipalities. The extent of manipulations is reduced when (i) the winning margin is expected to widen; (ii) the incumbent is not re-running; and/or (iii) the share of informed voters (proxied by education) goes up.     

重访发展政治学

本文回顾了四十年来发展政治学的成果。发展政治学在早期曾试图建立一个研究发展中国家的政治和政治变化的理论框架。但后来知识界对现代化理论和结构功能主义提出了挑战,从而削弱了这一理想。而且,现实世界中事件的发展,证明发展政治学中目的论的视角是有问题的。不过,后来,发展政治学在政治制度、民主的稳定和崩溃、国家结构、公民社会和政治发展的不平衡等方面的研究上取得了长足的进展。本文认为,当前,繁多的证据表明,政治发展和政治衰败过程是多种多样的。因此,发展政治学应当避免倒退到一种新的现代化理论之中。相反,该领域应当专注在国家改革、民主统治、代议政治、责任政府、公民社会的组织等这些论题上。关注这些广泛而活跃的问题,发展政治学会对比较政治学作出重要的理论贡献。