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1.
This study uses panel data analysis to examine the relationship between political connections and firm performance in Chinese firms from 2004 to 2008. We define firm‐level political connections and demonstrate a robust result for the positive relationship between political connections and firm performance. In addition, we integrate the effects of ownership structure, related‐party transactions and political connections into our analysis and continue to show a positive relationship. We show that political connections dampen the negative effect on firm value of related‐party transactions. Finally, we demonstrate channels through which the benefits of political connections are realized in terms of greater cash holdings, larger long‐term loans, lower financing costs, larger sales and lower sales costs. Our results indicate that state‐owned and non‐state‐owned enterprises use political connections equally effectively to enhance performance.  相似文献   

2.
董事政治关联对于公司价值的影响一直是学者们关注的重要问题。中组部2013年10月30日发布了《关于进一步规范党政干部在企业兼职(任职)问题的意见》(以下简称“18号文”),禁止现任及尚未办理离职手续的政府官员在企业兼职任职。基于此,本文以2013年10月30日-2014年10月30日期间我国股市所有辞职董事为样本,研究了董事政治关联等级与公司价值的关系,以及该关系受到的董事来源地特征的影响。本文发现:(1)董事政治关联等级越高,辞职引发的公司价值的下跌程度越显著;(2)考虑辞职董事来源地特征后发现,异地董事、京城董事或者异地且京城的董事辞职后,其政治关联等级对公司价值下跌的影响更显著。进一步分析表明,“18号文”公布时也有显著的市场反应,表现为聘有政治关联董事的公司价值下跌更明显。本文研究表明,聘任政治关联等级较高的董事,特别是异地或权力中心的董事,是公司建立政治联系、影响公司价值的重要途径。  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

We examine the impact of political uncertainty on the labour investment efficiency (LIE) of a firm. Using a sample of Chinese firms, we test the market discipline and managerial entrenchment hypotheses. Our findings suggest that political uncertainty adversely affects LIE. The results are consistent with the managerial entrenchment hypothesis. That is, firms hire more labour in a period of increased information asymmetry due to the political uncertainty, which deteriorates LIE. Our findings are robust to a battery of alternative measures of LIE and estimation methods. We conduct several additional analyses and document that the adverse impact of political uncertainty is stronger when the newly appointed government official is older, the firm is state-owned, the firm belongs to a politically sensitive industry or the firm operates in locations with stringent labour protection. By contrast, when the firm locates in a region with weak Chinese government intervention or after President Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption campaign, the adverse impact of political uncertainty on LIE is less pronounced. Last, we document that after hiring more labour, firms receive tangible and intangible benefits in terms of receiving more loans, collect more government subsidies, and able to re-establish some political connection but at the cost of lower performance.  相似文献   

4.
In this paper, we revisit the theoretical motives of corporate cash holdings while concentrating on the effect of political connections. In particular, we postulate two competing hypotheses for the effects that political connections can have on cash holdings: ‘substitution effect hypothesis’ and ‘complementary effect hypothesis’. Using the data on Pakistani firms over the period 2002–2010, we find that connected firms hold significantly larger cash reserves than their non-connected counterparts, thus confirming the ‘complementary hypothesis’, which suggests that agency problems lead connected firms to accumulate large amount of cash. Further, this effect is found to be more pronounced in dictatorial as opposed to democratic regimes indicating the presence of higher degrees of political patronage in that period. Finally, we also find differences in the complementary effect based on firm characteristics. Our results suggest that the firm size and leverage have increasing effects on the cash holdings of connected firms, contrary to the mainstream literature standpoint.  相似文献   

5.
This study investigates whether political connections affect labor investment efficiency. We test this question in the context of China's private firms, where we find that political connections are negatively associated with labor investment efficiency. We also explore the channels through which political connections reduce labor investment efficiency and provide evidence that political connections aggravate both agency problems and information asymmetry. Further tests show that the influence of political connections is more pronounced for firms with overinvestment problems or high-level political connections, and for firms from regions facing severe unemployment or loose anticorruption. Overall, our results are consistent with the “grabbing hand” argument that politicians destroy firm operational efficiency.  相似文献   

6.
In contrast with many other countries, Chinese listed firms must obtain approval to make private-equity placements (PEPs) from the Chinese Security Regulatory Commission (CSRC), a state bureau that regulates capital market financing. We analyse the role of political connection (PC) and ownership structures when accessing private equity (PE) market, while investigating the mechanisms through which political ties operate within the regulatory process of PEPs. The findings suggest that PCs do not contribute to the firm’s decision to apply for PEPs, but firms with state-ownership demonstrate a higher propensity to apply for PEPs. PC and state-ownership appear to help firms to obtain approval from the CSRC, and these firms are treated more favourably than their rivals without such connections. Politically connected firms spend less time in managing bureaucracy, but PC and state-ownership negatively affect proceeds from the PE market in China. Firms with politically connected directors with professional business backgrounds tend to spend less time managing the CSRC, and these professionals positively affect proceeds from the PE market in China. This study provides important insights for policy-makers, investors, PE issuing firms and security market regulators.  相似文献   

7.
A home firm signals her private cost information by expanding in a foreign firm’s country. Credible signaling to deter counter‐entry may occur through a direct investment (but not through exports), and may even entail entering an unprofitable market. While this produces social benefits, uninformative signaling may be welfare‐reducing. Hence, we argue that moderate to high location costs may be socially desirable. We also show that there are not simple monotonic relationships between technology/demand conditions and firms’ entry modes. Thus, the signaling interpretation of international expansion makes it possible to explain some controversial empirical findings on a theoretical ground.  相似文献   

8.
We study the role of productive and unproductive entrepreneurship in economic growth, in a setting where firms compete in both economic and political markets. Specifically, firms compete for market share through cost‐reducing technological innovation, and they vie for influence over government transfer policy through rent‐seeking activities. We find that rent‐seeking affects growth in two ways: it allows firms to ignore economic competition, leading to less innovation, and it alters the number of firms that are supported in equilibrium. The former effect is negative, while the latter is ambiguous. We show how these effects depend on various characteristics of economic and political markets.  相似文献   

9.
政治关联行为如何影响企业绩效?这是管理领域一个备受关注但未形成共识的研究话题。本文尝试从三个方面发展现有文献观点:第一,引入企业生命周期理论,考察政治关联对企业绩效的动态影响;第二,基于资源依赖理论,进一步考察企业发展阶段与行业环境的复合情境化影响;第三,利用数据挖掘技术改进政治关联测量方法,提升研究结论的可靠性。基于我国A股上市公司样本的实证研究发现:一方面,政治关联对企业绩效的影响因企业发展阶段而异。对处于成长期的企业来说,政治关联正向影响企业绩效;对处于成熟期的企业来说,政治关联负向影响企业绩效。另一方面,上述关系进一步受到所处行业环境的影响。行业竞争强度削弱了政治关联对绩效的影响,行业结构不确定性削弱了成熟期企业政治关联对绩效的负向影响。  相似文献   

10.
Recent theoretical studies have shown that firms lobby government agencies to influence the structure of trade policies. This article empirically examines whether firms classified as either exporting or import‐competing (i.e. firms in the tradables sector) have differential levels of political influence relative to domestic firms that only produce non‐traded goods (i.e. firms in the non‐tradables sector). We use a rich firm‐level, cross‐sectional dataset from the World Business Environment Survey to achieve this objective. Results from the analysis reveal that exporting or import‐competing firms do have more political influence relative to domestic firms that neither export nor produce import‐competing goods. Market structure, firm age, firm size, government ownership, and dependence on public infrastructure also affect the extent of political influence that firms have.  相似文献   

11.
This paper examines the impact of a regime shift on the valuation of politically powerful oligarch firms. Focusing on the Yeltsin–Putin regime shift in Russia, we find that the valuations of oligarch‐controlled firms are significantly higher under the Putin regime than under the Yeltsin regime after controlling for industry and time effects. The findings suggest that the increasing cost of extracting private benefits outweighs the reduction in the value of political connections following the political regime change. The results are also consistent with changes in the risk of state expropriation. Our results indicate that effects driven by the political regime change complement the traditional view that increased ownership concentration improved the performance of Russian oligarch firms.  相似文献   

12.
本文利用2001-2004年中国上市公司的数据,使用面板数据模型,对中国上市公司多元化与管理层激励之间的关系进行了检验.结果表明:现金薪酬水平与公司价值负相关,高管人员持股比例与公司价值之间是非线性关系,激励并没有发挥其应有的作用;多元化对公司价值的影响并不显著.当控制了影响多元化的公司内部因素后,我们发现国有股占主导地位的公司,多元化程度与现金薪酬之间是负向关系;多元化程度与管理层持股比例之间是正向关系.多元化程度与在职消费正相关.多元化决策是管理当局希望从多元化中获取更多的剩余收益和隐性的私人利益.  相似文献   

13.
翁欣  陈晓 《技术经济》2021,40(2):86-94
本文检验了民营企业家参政议政与企业发展路径的关系,企业是选择做大规模还是提高效益?实证结果发现,民营企业家借助参政议政这种战略资源,企业规模首先实现快速扩张,总收入有显著增长,而反映企业变强的效益指标,则在规模扩张两年之后显著超过对比组,其中国家级政治身份样本显著.本文深化了对中国民营企业家参政议政的实证研究,发现了中国民企借助参政议政等资源,通过规模的快速扩张实现盈利能力增强的发展逻辑.  相似文献   

14.
One feature common to many post‐socialist transition economies is a relatively compressed wage structure in the state‐owned sector. We conjecture that this compressed wage structure creates weak incentives for work effort and worker skill acquisition and thus presents adverse consequences for the entire transition economy if a substantial portion of the labour force works in the state sector. We explore firm wage incentives and worker training, as well as other labour practices and outcomes, in a transition setting with matched firm and worker data collected in one of the largest provinces of Vietnam – Ho Chi Minh City. The Vietnamese state sector exhibits a compressed wage distribution in relation to privately owned firms with foreign ownership. State wage practices stress tenure over worker productivity and their wage policies result in flatter wage–experience profiles and lower returns to education. The state work force is in greater need of formal training, a need that is in part met through direct government financing. In spite of the opportunities for government financed training and at least partly due to inefficient worker incentives, state firms, by certain measures, exhibit lower levels of labour productivity. The private sector comparison group to state firms for all of these findings is foreign owned firms. The internal labour practices of foreign firms are more consistent with a view of profit‐maximizing firms operating with no political constraints. This is not the case for Vietnamese de novo private firms that exhibit much more idiosyncratic behaviour and whose labour practices are often indistinguishable from state firms. The exact reasons for this remain a topic of on‐going research yet we conjecture that various private sector constraints, including limited access to formal capital, play an important role.  相似文献   

15.
This paper investigates the joint effect of political connections, in the form of the royal family member on board, and corporate governance on the market risk disclosures of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) financial firms from 2007 to 2011. Previous research suggest that politically connected firms reduce the level of transparency in the GCC. However, we find that better corporate governance improves transparency and can be used as an effective tool in curbing the potentially adverse impact of politically connected board members on firms’ transparency. Our results have important implications for policy makers and can be generalized to other emerging markets.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

Using the National Bureau of Statistics data set over the period 1998–2007, this article examines the dual roles of financial assistance and strong political links on firm survival in China by applying a semi-parametric duration model. We find that generally either financial assistance or strong political links had a positive effect on the likelihood of firm survival. Furthermore, if firms received both types of support from government, their survival rate was around two times as high compared to only receiving a single support. The likelihood of survival depended on the amount of assistance a firm received. We also find firm ownership impacts on its survival pattern. Lastly, China joining the World Trade Organisation (WTO) coincided with (cet. par.) higher firm failure, especially with regard to state-owned firms; however, this period also saw the authorities targeting political and financial help on the ‘better’ firms (especially SOEs) with characteristics likely to increase their chance of survival.  相似文献   

17.
This paper studies firms’ obfuscation choices in a duopoly setting where two firms differ in their marginal costs of production. We show that the high‐cost firm chooses maximum obfuscation while the low‐cost firm chooses minimal (maximal) obfuscation if the cost advantage is large (small). We argue that in this setting there is a new role for price regulation as it leads to more transparent pricing. Moreover, a price cap benefits social welfare as it shifts production to the more efficient low‐cost firm.  相似文献   

18.
Foreign multinationals often not only export but also control local firms through FDI. This paper examines the various effects of trade and industrial policies when exports and FDI coexist. We focus on the case in which a foreign firm has full control of a local firm through partial ownership. Cross‐border ownership on the basis of both financial interests and corporate control leads to horizontal market linkages through which tariffs and production subsidies may harm locally owned firms but benefit the foreign firm. Foreign ownership regulation benefits locally owned firms. These results could have strong policy implications for developing countries that attract an increasing share of world FDI.  相似文献   

19.
We set up an oligopolistic model with two exporting firms selling to a third market to investigate the welfare implications of trade liberalization when the exporting firms are forward‐looking. The results show that with cost asymmetry trade liberalization encourages the exporting firms to engage in tacit collusion, which may not only be detrimental to the domestic welfare, but also to the consumer surplus of the importing country. Moreover, we find that tacit collusion is less sustainable if the government of the importing country imposes a lower (higher) tariff on the more (less) efficient exporting firm. If a nonforward‐looking or a forward‐looking cost‐efficient domestic firm exists in the importing country, then trade liberalization also encourages tacit collusion.  相似文献   

20.
In this paper, we consider political interaction in a mixed oligopoly by characterizing how a subsidy is endogenously determined through the bargaining process between firms and politicians. We discuss how the nature of the political equilibrium changes with the type of competition, the specification of the cost function, and the timing of the game. We show that when bargaining between firms and politicians takes place, the resulting social welfare may be even worse than that under a public firm monopoly.  相似文献   

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